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Rep. Perlmutter, Once Again, Introduces FCPA Reform Bill


If nothing else, U.S. Representative Ed Perlmutter (D-CO) is persistent.

In 2009 he introduced the “Foreign Business Bribery Prohibition Act” in the House to no avail. (See here and here for prior posts).

In 2011, he introduced the “Foreign Business Bribery Prohibition Act” in the House to no avail. (See here for the prior post).

Last week, he again introduced the “Foreign Business Bribery Prohibition Act” in the House (H.R. 5438).

What is the “Foreign Business Bribery Prohibition Act?”

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The Numbers Do Not Support Chair White’s Statement Regarding Individual FCPA Enforcement Actions


In this recent testimony before the House Financial Services Committee, SEC Chair Mary Jo White stated: “as in other areas, the Commission is focused on holding individuals accountable in FCPA cases.” (emphasis added).

The numbers do not support White’s statement.

As highlighted in this recent post, since 2008 approximately 85% of SEC corporate FCPA enforcement actions have not (at least yet) resulted in any related SEC action against company employees.

Indeed, prior to the SEC’s November 2014 FCPA enforcement action against Stephen Timms and Yasser Ramahi (individuals who worked in sales at FLIR System Inc.) there was a 2.5 year gap in any SEC individual enforcement actions.  During that 2.5 years, the SEC brought 19 corporate enforcement actions and not one involved any related SEC action against company employees.

As to the accountability portion of White’s statement, the two SEC individual FCPA enforcement during the last three years (the above Timms / Ramahi action and the January 2015 action against former PBSJ International employee Walid Hatoum) involved SEC administrative orders in which the individuals were allowed to settle without admitting or denying the SEC’s findings.

It is debatable what is more concerning.

A political actor making assertions without knowledge of and/or understanding of the underlying facts.

Or a political actor making assertions with knowledge of and/or understanding of the underlying facts, but making the political statement anyway.

Regardless of the cause or reason prompting Chair White’s recent statement, the numbers do not support her assertion that the SEC is “focused on holding individuals accountable in FCPA cases.”

SEC Enforcement Director Talks FCPA And Is On The Hot Seat Over Administrative Proceedings


Last week, Andrew Ceresney testified before the House Financial Services in a hearing titled “Oversight of the SEC’s Enforcement Division.”

As highlighted below, Ceresney’s testimony touched upon Foreign Corrupt Practices Act issues and during the hearing Ceresney was on the hot seat regarding the surge in SEC administrative proceedings to resolve enforcement actions.

In his written testimony, Ceresney stated as following regarding the FCPA.

“Pursuing violations of the FCPA remains a critical part of our enforcement efforts, as international bribery saps investor confidence in the legitimacy of a company’s performance and undermines the accuracy of a company’s books and records, among other negative impacts. The Division, and particularly the specialized FCPA unit, is active in this area, bringing significant and impactful cases, often in partnership with its law enforcement and regulatory counterparts both at home and abroad. Last fiscal year, the Commission obtained orders for over $380 million in disgorgement and penalties in FCPA cases. In FY 2013, the SEC and DOJ released A Resource Guide to the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. The guide takes a multi-faceted approach toward setting forth the statute’s requirements, providing insights into SEC and DOJ enforcement practices.

In today’s globalized marketplace, Enforcement’s ability to protect investors and maintain fair and efficient markets is often dependent on the Division’s ability to investigate misconduct that takes place, at least in part, abroad. In coordination with the SEC’s Office of International Affairs, the Division has expanded its efforts to obtain evidence of potential wrongdoing from around the globe. Many of Enforcement’s FCPA investigations rely on evidence obtained from foreign jurisdictions, and often are conducted in parallel with foreign governments. Other areas, such as financial reporting and accounting fraud, asset management, and insider trading, also often rely on evidence obtained through foreign regulators.”

Whether many of the SEC’s recent FCPA enforcement actions (such as Bruker Corp., Layne Christensen, Smith & Wesson and one against former employees of FLIR System, Inc ) were “significant and impactful” is of course subject to debate.

During the hearing, Ceresney found himself on the hot seat over the SEC’s prominent use of administrative proceedings to resolve enforcement actions.  As highlight in this article, Rep. Scott Garrett (R-N.J.) reportedly stated as follows in an opening statement:

“While bringing more cases through the administrative proceedings can lead to lower costs for the agency and increases in efficiency, it’s important to realize that those benefits come with a cost. The cost is less due process protections for defendants.”

“Because the SEC’s administrative proceedings use the SEC’s procedural rules, respondents are forced to operate on a condensed timeframe and do not have the benefit of some of the fundamental due process protections under federal civil procedures.”

As noted in the article:

“Rep. Sean Duffy (R-Wis.) also hammered the agency’s head of enforcement, Andrew Ceresney, over the fairness of administrative law proceedings. Duffy questioned the SEC’s track record in these hearings, in which it won 100 percent of its cases last year.

“You won every case. How about with regard to the cases you brought in federal court? One hundred percent there? No, you won 11 out of 18 [cases]. You think there could be any correlation when you actually hire the judges, and you set the rules, that you win all the cases?” Duffy asked somewhat sarcastically.”

Concern as to the surge in the SEC’s use of the administrative process to resolve enforcement actions, including in the FCPA context, is warranted.

As highlighted in prior posts, of the seven SEC corporate FCPA enforcement actions in 2014, six (86%) were resolved through SEC administrative orders meaning there was not one ounce of judicial scrutiny.

Judge Jed Rakoff (S.D.N.Y.) has been among the more prominent critics of this surge. As highlighted in this prior post, Judge Rakoff has asked:  “is the SEC becoming a law unto itself?”

Senate Remains Interested In FCPA Issues


Granted it has been approximately four years since the Senate held its Foreign Corrupt Practices hearing in November 2010.  (The House followed-up with an FCPA hearing in June 2011).

FCPA reform legislation was never introduced (for potential reasons why – see this article), yet the Senate very much remains interested in FCPA issues.

The Senate Judiciary Committee recently released this document which contains Attorney General Nominee Loretta Lynch’s responses to various Senator questions.

The remainder of this post excerpts all FCPA related questions and Lynch’s answers.

As highlighted below, the Q&A’s cover the following topics:  DOJ guidance, DOJ declinations, “FCPA abuses” (as stated in a series of questions), Andrew Weissman’s FCPA reform positions prior to recently re-joining the DOJ (see here for the prior post), international cooperation, FCPA reform (including a compliance defense), and the time it takes to resolve FCPA investigations.



Q: In 2012, the Department of Justice and Securities Exchange Commission (SEC) issued joint guidance detailing Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) enforcement information and the agencies’ enforcement priorities. While the guidance clarified portions of the law and some of the agencies’ enforcement theories, many companies and individuals seeking to comply with the FCPA have asked for further, and continued, clarification. This request was expressed to Attorney General Eric Holder and Assistant Attorney General Leslie Caldwell during previous Committee hearings.

a. If confirmed, will you commit to working with companies and individuals to further improve the Guidance?

RESPONSE: If I am confirmed as Attorney General, I look forward to continuing the outreach efforts that the Department has been making with the private sector to understand their needs and concerns and, if necessary, update and/or improve the Guide.

b. Will you commit to updating the Guidance, when necessary, to reflect changes in DOJ enforcement practices?

RESPONSE: If I am confirmed as Attorney General, I look forward to continuing efforts that the Department has been making to provide meaningful guidance in the FCPA context where necessary and appropriate.

In the area of FCPA enforcement, there is little guiding case law available for compliance practitioners to rely on. However, the FCPA Guidance that was issued in 2012 took an important first step in helping practitioners understand how the enforcement agencies’ interpret the statute. The Guidance includes six anonymized examples of declinations— instances where the DOJ and SEC declined to bring FCPA-related enforcement actions in recognition of the companies’ timely voluntary disclosures, meaningful cooperation, and sophisticated compliance policies and controls. The continued publication of FCPA declinations would foster greater FCPA compliance by providing practitioners with a better understanding of how the FCPA is interpreted. If confirmed, would you support increasing DOJ transparency regarding declination decisions?

RESPONSE: As you know, the United States Attorney’s Manual provides a mechanism to allow for notification to an individual (or entity), where appropriate, that an investigation as to that individual (or entity) is being closed. If I am confirmed as Attorney General, I look forward to continuing the Department’s practice of providing meaningful guidance in the FCPA context (such as procedures to respond to opinion requests) and of actively pursuing and implementing means by which declinations and other information about the decision to prosecute, or not, can be responsibly and appropriately shared.


DOJ Foreign Corrupt Practices Act Abuses

In much the same way as civil forfeiture, critics of the FCPA note that the Department of Justice collects and retains for use (without further congressional approval or disbursal from the Treasury) fines paid in settlement of federal FCPA investigations. This ability to retain FCPA fines incentivizes not only a vigorous application of the FCPA, but also “creative” legal theories (which can lead to investigations of companies for potentially innocuous behavior). Critics of the FCPA, and the Department’s pursuit of FCPA investigations, point out that the combination of investigation and potential litigation expenses frequently drive what may be innocent companies to settle, which both cements the revenue source for the Department and prevents federal judges from having opportunities to interpret provisions of the FCPA.

Do you agree or disagree with the claim that the ability of the Department of Justice to keep and use FCPA settlement fines incentivizes application of the FCPA? If you disagree with this claim, please provide a detailed explanation as to why.

RESPONSE: I disagree with this claim, which I believe is built on a faulty premise regarding the process by which criminal fines and other financial penalties are paid and subsequently put to use. Fines for FCPA violations are not “kept” or “used” by the Department, and no such use incentivizes application of the FCPA. Rather, as with all cases, the Department considers the strength of the evidence and other long-standing policy considerations (see, e.g., United States Attorney’s Manual (USAM) 9-28.300) in determining whether to bring an FCPA prosecution.

A company convicted of an FCPA violation pays any accompanying fine not to the Department but to the relevant U.S. district court clerk’s office. Those funds are then directed to the Crime Victim Fund, which is a U.S. Treasury fund created pursuant to Title 42, United States Code, Section 10601. Funds paid into the U.S. Treasury are not available for use by the Department except through the appropriations process or by statute.

A company that settles an FCPA investigation through a non-prosecution or deferred prosecution agreement pays any accompanying financial penalty not to the Department but to the U.S. Treasury. Pursuant to Congressional authorization and strict Departmental oversight, a small percentage of these funds may be made available to the Department. More specifically, in 1993 Congress authorized the creation of a 3% working capital fund (“3% Fund”) for the Department. See Public Law 113-234, 28 C.F.R. Section 527. Three percent of penalties associated with certain financial recoveries, including through non-prosecution and deferred prosecution agreements, are paid into the 3% working capital fund. After rigorous review by the Collection Resources Allocation Board, overseen by the Justice Management Division, the Department may award funds from the 3% Fund to support certain litigation, data administration, and personnel costs.

Has your office actually tried any FCPA cases to a verdict in federal court? If the answer is yes, please provide details about these cases.

RESPONSE: The Eastern District of New York has participated in a number of significant FCPA investigations with the Fraud Section of the Criminal Division of the Department, and it continues to do so. To date, these investigations have resulted in two corporate resolutions: (1) In re Ralph Lauren, NPA, $882,000 penalty, press release at:; and (2) In re Comverse Technology, Inc., NPA, $1.2 million penalty, press release: million-penalty-resolve-violations-foreign-corrupt); and one guilty plea by Garth Peterson of Morgan Stanley (and a declination against Morgan Stanley) (press release: While the Department has conducted FCPA trials in many districts, the United States Attorney’s Office for the Eastern District of New York has not had an FCPA trial to date.

As you know, the Criminal Division’s Fraud Section is charged with investigating and enforcing the criminal provisions of the FCPA. Recently, Andrew Weissmann was selected to be the Chief of the Fraud Section. Mr. Weissmann is a former prosecutor and FBI general counsel. In private practice, however, Mr. Weissmann has been an outspoken critic of DOJ’s FCPA program. Specifically, in a report36 Mr. Weissmann drafted for the U.S. Chamber of Commerce’s Institute for Legal Reform, he has recommended that: (1) a compliance defense to the FCPA should be added; (2) a company’s liability should be limited for the prior actions of a company it has acquired; (3) a “willfulness” element should be added for corporate criminal liability; (4) a company’s liability should be limited for the actions of a subsidiary; and (5) the definition of “foreign official” under the FCPA should be changed.

Do you agree with any, some, or all of Weissmann’s proposals for reforming the FCPA?

RESPONSE: It is my understanding that Mr. Weissmann made these comments while in private practice and in connection with his representation of the U.S. Chamber Institute for Legal Reform (“Chamber”). It is also my understanding that, in the intervening time period, the Department has met with the Chamber, as well as other stakeholders, to engage in a healthy and productive dialogue regarding the Department’s interpretation and application of the FCPA. If confirmed as Attorney General, I would continue to foster dialogue with the Chamber and other stakeholders regarding our FCPA program.

Which of these changes (if any) do you think could be done administratively, as opposed to legislatively?

RESPONSE: I do not support the proposed changes. Several of them would be a significant departure from general principles of corporate criminal law, effectively creating unique exceptions for FCPA cases that are unwarranted, are contrary to Congress’s intent in enacting the FCPA, and would impose often insurmountable obstacles to effective enforcement of the FCPA.

In 2004, then-Deputy Attorney General (and current director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation) James Comey stated that “[the Department of Justice wants] real time enforcement, so that the public and potential white collar criminals see that misdeeds are swiftly punished.” Despite this statement, the 2014 OECD Foreign Bribery Report noted that “the average time taken (in years) to conclude foreign bribery cases has steadily increased over time, [from an average of 1.3 years in 2004] peaking at an average of 7.3 years taken to conclude the 42 cases in 2013.” Lengthy federal investigations not only place a tremendous financial burden on the targeted corporations and their shareholders, but also on taxpayers who shoulder the agency’s expenses for conducting the investigation.

Do you agree or disagree with Director Comey’s statement regarding the value of real-time law enforcement? If you disagree with this statement, please provide a detailed explanation as to why.

RESPONSE: I agree that law enforcement must move swiftly and responsibly in investigating both white collar and other criminal activity. I also agree that, for deterrence purposes, it is important to move quickly and bring charges against those individuals and companies that have engaged in criminal behavior. While the Department has been working diligently to find meaningful and reasonable ways to reduce the time white collar FCPA investigations take, the question’s reliance on the OECD Foreign Bribery Report is misplaced. As I understand it, the referenced statistic is based on an aggregate of all the OECD Working Group members’ cases, rather than isolating the time taken by the United States in its cases. Also, this statistic does not measure the length of the criminal investigation. Rather, it measures the time between the last criminal act and the sanction, increasing substantially the time measured, since the Department (or foreign law enforcement) might not learn about a potential violation until years after the last criminal act has occurred.

Given that the FCPA Unit within the Department’s Fraud Section has expanded its personnel from 2004 to today, and given that the Department receives even more international cooperation today than it did in 2004, do you agree or disagree that the Department should be witnessing reduced investigative timelines for FCPA investigations rather than increased timelines? If you disagree with this statement, please provide a detailed explanation as to why.

RESPONSE: Additional resources and cooperation are greatly appreciated and can often be key factors in expediting criminal investigations. However, they are only two of many factors that can influence the time it takes to conduct a successful investigation of any kind. Compared to other white collar investigations, the challenges associated with FCPA investigations can be much greater. Because of the nature of the offense, most of the evidence in these cases is typically located overseas. While international cooperation efforts have expanded significantly over the past ten years, the process for obtaining evidence from overseas is still time-consuming.

Before you are confirmed to serve as the next Attorney General, will you or will you not commit to dramatically reducing the timeline of FCPA-related Fraud Unit investigations, in order to reduce the financial burden on potentially innocent corporations and reduce investigation-related taxpayer expenses? If you will not commit to reducing these investigative timelines, please provide a detailed explanation as to why.

RESPONSE: Under my leadership, the Eastern District of New York has been committed to increasing the speed of its white collar investigations, including its FCPA investigations. As a result of the particular challenges of corporate and overseas investigations, however, the investigations can take a significant amount of time. While improvements in this area can be made, irresponsibly or artificially expediting an investigation solely for the sake of speed can harm the investigation and the pursuit of justice, as well as create greater harms to the targets, subjects, and witnesses in our investigations. If I am confirmed as Attorney General, you can be assured that the Department will continue to review each case on its merits and will move as expeditiously and responsibly as possible.

Often, many of the countries with corrupt officials are the same countries that harbor terrorists, that seek to undermine U.S. foreign policy, and that have rampant bid rigging and illegal cartel conduct. On the opposite side of the equation, there are an increasing number of countries that have passed new anti-bribery statutes in the hope of curbing their own internal corruption problems and spurring legitimate economic growth.

How will you marshal the criminal justice resources of the Department of Justice to enforce the FCPA in a way that helps in the fight against terrorism, cartel conduct, and international money laundering? Please provide a detailed explanation, based on your current experience as United States Attorney for the Eastern District of New York, of how you intend to tackle the problem.

RESPONSE: As the United States Attorney for the Eastern District of New York, I am well aware of the link between corruption, corrupt regimes, and transnational crime, including economic crime, human trafficking, narcotics trafficking, money laundering, and even terrorism. In addition to prosecuting foreign corruption, narcotics trafficking, money laundering, and terrorism cases, the Department works closely with its counterparts throughout the U.S. government to devise and implement robust anticorruption strategies. For example, my Office has worked closely with the intelligence community on terrorism and corruption-related matters. The Department further participates, along with colleagues in other agencies in the U.S. government, in developing anticorruption policies through various international organizations and anticorruption conventions, including the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development’s Working Group on Bribery, the G-7, the G-20, and the U.N. Convention Against Corruption. The Department also consults with civil society organizations involved in the battle against corruption. If confirmed as the Attorney General, I would continue to ensure that fighting corruption overseas, as well as domestically, remains a top priority for the Department. I would ensure that resources are appropriately directed to enforcing U.S. laws targeting foreign corruption, recovery of assets stolen by kleptocrats, and corrupt regimes.

Given that more and more countries are enacting and enforcing anti-bribery statutes, would you agree or disagree that the FCPA ought to be amended to restrict FCPA jurisdiction to countries that do not have a prima facie anticorruption infrastructure? If you disagree with this statement, please provide a detailed explanation as to why.

RESPONSE: Such an exception would be unique under federal law. I disagree with this approach, as I believe it would do harm to the Department’s anticorruption efforts. The Department works closely with countries that are developing their own anticorruption infrastructures, and we are well aware that it can take years of persistent effort to create an effective and holistic response to corruption of domestic and foreign officials.

As a recent OECD Report on Foreign Bribery noted, enforcement of existing anticorruption statutes, particularly those targeting foreign bribery, is improving but has a long way to go to see consistent and effective enforcement even among top economies in the world.

The Department of Justice generally emphasizes the benefit of voluntary self-disclosure to, and voluntary cooperation with, FCPA investigations. Corporations are increasingly questioning the benefit, however, of rushing toward self-disclosure without demonstration of some sort of legal or cost benefit for doing so. To address this, some practitioners have suggested that the FCPA should contain a “safe harbor” from criminal prosecution for corporations that (1) have robust compliance programs, (2) self-disclose potential FCPA violations, and (3) cooperate fully with the Department’s investigation, akin to what the Antitrust Division has for cartel enforcement. (The Department would, of course, be able to continue to obtain non-criminal penalties for violations.)

Do you agree or disagree with the statement that there should be an FCPA “safe harbor provision” to help corporations that are trying to do the right thing? If you disagree with this statement, please provide a detailed explanation as to why.

RESPONSE: I do not believe a “safe harbor provision” is necessary or desirable. Both the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and the Department of Justice already provide significant benefits for companies that have robust compliance programs, self-disclose potential FCPA violations, and cooperate fully with the Department’s investigation. Indeed, in a recent FCPA matter, the Criminal Division and the Eastern District of New York declined to prosecute Morgan Stanley based on many of those factors, among others, despite the fact that one of its Managing Directors bribed a foreign official to obtain business for and on behalf of Morgan Stanley.

If you agree with the concept of an FCPA safe harbor provision, please describe what the structure or contours of such a safe harbor provision should be, and how you would implement that provision. Please provide a detailed explanation, based on your current experience as United States Attorney for the Eastern District of New York, of how you would write and implement such a provision.

RESPONSE: The factors outlined in your question are important considerations in all FCPA cases, but I do not believe that a “safe harbor provision” is necessary or desirable.

Members of the business community, practitioners, commentators, and even members of Congress have expressed frustration with the Department of Justice’s failure to publicize declined FCPA prosecutions, even where there is public knowledge that a particular corporation is under investigation. This practice may have several negative effects, including preventing corporations from having clarity about what type of conduct is considered acceptable. Given the Department’s financial incentive to ensure robust application of the FCPA, there is concern that this refusal to publish decline-to-prosecute information is intended to protect the FCPA fine-based revenue source for the Department.

Would you agree or disagree with the statement that FCPA decline-to-prosecute decisions should be made available to the public? If you disagree with this statement, please provide a detailed explanation as to why.

RESPONSE: I agree that the Department should continue to explore ways by which it can responsibly share information while protecting the many sensitive interests that federal, criminal investigations implicate. The Department has a longstanding general practice of refraining from discussing non-public information on matters it has declined to prosecute. This practice is designed to protect ongoing investigations, privacy rights and other interests of uncharged parties, and sensitive, internal law enforcement deliberations. This practice and these considerations apply across the enforcement of all federal criminal laws.

Nevertheless, I must emphasize that the Department does pursue means by which declinations and other information about the decision to prosecute can be responsibly shared with entities or individuals under investigation, the business community, practitioners, commentators, and members of Congress. The United States Attorney’s Manual (USAM) describes situations in which a United States Attorney can exercise discretion to provide notice that an investigation is being closed. See USAM § 9-11.155. Further, in the last two years, the Department has made great efforts to provide more information and transparency in the area of the FCPA, including the publication of A Resource Guide to the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (the “Resource Guide”). The Resource Guide, which was written by the Department and the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), provides the public with extensive information about the Department’s FCPA enforcement approach and priorities. It contains a section on declinations and sets out criteria prosecutors consider in declining to bring a prosecution under the FCPA. In addition, the Department responds to opinion requests concerning its enforcement intent about actions that may be perceived as violating the anti-bribery provisions of the FCPA. See Title 15, United States Code, Sections 78dd-l(e) and 78dd-2(f). These opinion letters provide significant additional insight into the Department’s enforcement views, as well as transparency for companies, individuals, and practitioners as to what is acceptable or not.

Before you are confirmed to serve as the next Attorney General, will you or will you not commit to publishing information about the FCPA cases that the Department has decided not to pursue or prosecute? If you will not commit to publishing this information, please provide a detailed explanation as to why.

RESPONSE: I will commit to continuing the Department’s practice of actively pursuing and implementing means by which declinations and other information about the decision to prosecute, or not, can be responsibly and appropriately shared. As detailed in my answer to the preceding question, the United States Attorney’s Manual already provides a mechanism to provide notice that an investigation is being closed. I also commit to continuing the Department’s recent efforts to provide more information and transparency, as it did by publishing the Resource Guide.

Calls For Action Regarding How DOJ Resolves Alleged Instances Of Corporate Crime

Deferred prosecution and non-prosecution agreements of course are not unique to Foreign Corrupt Practices Act enforcement. However, year-after-year the most prominent use of NPAs and DPAs tends to be in connection with FCPA enforcement.  (See here for Gibson Dunn’s useful summary of NPAs and DPAs).

Thus, last week’s introduction of H.R. 4540 “Accountability in Deferred Prosecution Act of 2014” by Representative Bill Pascrell (D-NJ) is relevant to FCPA enforcement.

In short, the bill provides, among other things, as follows.

“In order to promote uniformity and to assist prosecutors and organizations as they negotiate and implement deferred prosecution agreements and nonprosecution agreements, the Attorney General shall, not later than 90 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, issue public written guidelines [concerning a variety of issues] for deferred prosecution agreements and nonprosecution agreements.”

I have long called for NPAs and DPAs to be abolished in the FCPA context so long as such reform is coupled with a compliance defense.  (See here and here).  Thus, I do not believe that H.R. 4540 goes far enough in reining in the alternate world that the DOJ has created and championed through frequent use of NPAs and DPAs.  However, H.R. 4540 highlights that Congress need not be a “potted plant” when it comes to how DOJ resolves alleged instances of corporate crime.

H.R. 4540 is not the first time that Representative Pascrell has introduced the “Accountability in Deferred Prosecution Act.”  See here for a similar bill introduced in 2009.


Last week, Ralph Nader, Public Citizen and the Center for Corporate Policy sent this letter to Attorney General Eric Holder urging the Justice Department to prepare an annual report and public database on corporate crime.  The letter states:

“Currently, the DOJ does not compile comprehensive data on corporate crime.  This is a notable oversight.  It is as if the Department of Education had no measures for how well our children learn, or if the U.S. Department of Agriculture had no idea of how much wheat or corn our farmers grew.  The failure to measure can lead to sloppy thinking, bad decisions and entrenched neglect.  We urge the DOJ to equip itself with the power afforded by measurement and data analysis.”

The letter further states:

“The DOJ should also issue an annual report on corporate crime.  At a minimum, the report should provide an estimate of the total annual cost of corporate crime in the United States. It should include not only costs of crimes committed by individuals against businesses and investors (white collar crime), but also the costs that corporate crime imposes on the rest of society, such as the trillions of dollars lost, and millions of Americans who lost their jobs, due to the mortgage fraud-induced financial crisis of 2008-9.  The report should present an analysis of trends in corporate crime and an explanation of the relative effectiveness of different sanctions. While the UCR [Uniform Crime Reporting Program] does measure certain forms of white collar crime, it is far from a thorough treatment of corporate crime. The DOJ’s annual corporate crime report should also tally data about prosecutions. This should include the number of cases referred to U.S. attorneys for prosecution each year by the FBI or other federal and state agencies, as well as the status and ultimate disposition (i.e. how many referrals were prosecuted; how many prosecuted were found guilty; how many settled with deferred and non prosecution agreements; the magnitude and kind of penalties involved; how many cases settled).”

Readers likely know that the DOJ and SEC have FCPA specific websites (here and here); however both websites are incomplete in certain respects.  For instance, the DOJ website does not contain several FCPA enforcement actions (I recently requested information from the DOJ concerning the following FCPA enforcement actions:  U.S. v. UNC/Lear Services and U.S. v. Litton Applied Technology Division).

As relevant to the above letter to Attorney General Holder and as this previous post highlighted, the DOJ does not even know whether NPAs and DPAs deter future conduct in the FCPA context.  In response to an OECD question concerning deterrence, the DOJ merely stated:

“Scholars have recognized that quantifying deterrence is extremely difficult. This is equally true for the deterrent effect of DPAs and NPAs. Thus, as discussed at the time this recommendation was made, measuring ‘the impact of NPAs and DPAs in deterring the bribery of foreign public officials’ would be a difficult task, save providing certain anecdotal and other circumstantial evidence.”

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