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The Final Act In The BAE Circus?

Last week, the State Department announced (here) that “BAE Systems plc of the United Kingdom (BAES), including its businesses, units, subsidiaries, and operating divisions and their assignees and successors, except BAE Systems, Inc. and its subsidiaries, entered into a civil settlement with the Department of State for alleged violations of the Arms Export Control Act (AECA) and the International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR).” The release states that “under the four-year term of the Consent Agreement, BAES will pay in fines and in remedial compliance measures an aggregate civil penalty of $79 million, the largest civil penalty in Department history.”

The State Department action follows the March 1, 2010 guilty plea of BAE Systems plc. (see here for the prior post). BAE pleaded guilty to “conspiring to defraud the United States by impairing and impeding its lawful functions, to make false statements about its FCPA compliance program, and to violate the Arms Export Control Act and International Traffic in Arms Regulations.” In that DOJ enforcement action, BAE Systems plc agreed to pay a $400 million criminal fine.

I previously called (here) the BAE “bribery, yet no bribery” enforcement action one that contributes to the “facade of FCPA enforcement” (see here) and was asked several questions about the enforcement action by former Senator Arlen Specter (see here).

Like the DOJ enforcement action, the State Department action specifically notes that BAE Systems, Inc. was not involved in the conduct giving rise to the enforcement actions. BAE Systems Inc. is “the U.S.-based segment of BAE Systems plc” and “is responsible for relationships with the U.S. Government…”. (See here).

The State Department action involved BAE Systems plc entering into a consent decree (see here for the relevant documents) “to settle 2,591 violations of the AECA and ITAR in connection with the unauthorized brokering of U.S. defense articles and services, failure to register as a broker, failure to file annual broker reports, causing unauthorized brokering, failure to report the payment of fees or commissions, and failure to maintain records involving ITAR-controlled transactions.”

Certain of the improper conduct identified in the State Department documents relate to the lease and lease/sale of Gripen aircraft to the Ministries of Defence in the Czech Republic and Hungary – conduct also at issue in the DOJ’s prosecution of BAE (see here for the criminal information).

The State Department documents also relate to BAE’s use of advisers for defense transactions and proposed defense transactions involving U.S. defense articles and services without obtaining authorization from the State Department.

One of the advisors identified is Alfons Mensdorff-Pouilly. As noted in this previous post, the U.K. Serious Fraud Office (“SFO”) originally charged Alfons Mensdorff-Pouilly with “conspiracy to corrupt” and for “conspiring with others to give or agree to give corrupt payments […] to unknown officials and other agents of certain Eastern and Central European governments, including the Czech Republic, Hungary and Austria as inducements to secure, or as rewards for having secured, contracts from those governments for the supply of goods to them, namely SAAB/Gripen fighter jets, by BAE Systems Plc.” Within days, the SFO dropped the charges. As noted in this previous post, the SFO explained that BAE would not agree to the SFO plea (watered down as it was) without the SFO agreeing to drop the charges against Count Mensdorff.

As to debarment, the State Department consent agreement states (at page 20) that the State “Department has determined to impose a statutory debarment of BAE Systems plc pursuant to section 127 of the ITAR [see here], based on the criminal charges [in the previous DOJ enforcement action].

Yet, the next sentence of the consent decree states as follows. “However, based on the foregoing and additional information provided by Respondent, and request for reinstatement by BAE Systems plc, the Assistant Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs has determined under Section 38(g)(4) of the AECA [see here] that Respondent has taken appropriate steps to address the causes of the violations and to mitigate law enforcement concerns. Accordingly, BAE Systems plc shall be reinstated.”

The consent decree did however “place under a policy of denial” BAE Systems CS&S International, Red Diamond Trading Ltd. and Poseidon Trading Investments Ltd. Per the consent decree, this means that there will be “an initial presumption of denial during the case-by-case review of all licenses and other authorizations” involving these subsidiaries even though the consent decree states that “Transaction Exceptions” may be granted by the State Department. Furthermore, the consent decree states that all licenses, agreements, and other authorizations involving these subsidiaries previously issued “are not affected and are not revoked.”

The most recent annual report on BAE’s website states as follows regarding CS&S International. “The operating group’s CS&S International business predominantly acts as prime contractor for the UK government-to government defence agreement with Saudi Arabia and has a major in-country presence. Its main activities include operational capability support to both the Royal Saudi Air Force and Royal Saudi Naval Force and, more recently, the commencement of supply of 72 Typhoon aircraft.” Neither Red Diamond Trading Ltd. nor Poseidon Trading Investments Ltd. are mentioned in the 190 page annual report.

According to this U.K. Guardian article “BAE’s Secret Money Machine,” “in February 1998 Red Diamond Trading Ltd was anonymously incorporated in the British Virgin Islands and was used to channel payments all over the world, via Red Diamond accounts in London, Switzerland and New York.” As to Poseidon Trading, the same article states as follows. “BAE set up a second front company, purely to handle the Saudi commission payments for al-Yamamah. Poseidon Trading Investments Ltd was incorporated in the British Virgin Islands on June 25 1999.”

The DOJ’s criminal information contains various allegations regarding Saudi Arabia – without specifically mentioning the al-Yamamah contract. For more on the al-Yamamah contract see here -a PBS Frontline documentary titled Black Money.

The State Department’s recent $79 million enforcement action against BAE is in addition to the DOJ’s $400 million enforcement action against BAE from 2010. However, as Dru Stevenson (Professor of Law, South Texas College of Law) and Nick Wagoner (a law student at South Texas College of Law) explored in this recent post, in the 365 days that followed the 2010 DOJ enforcement action, BAE was awarded U.S. contracts in excess of $58 billion dollars.

*****

Speaking of debarment (or lack thereof) Senator Al Franken continues to lead on this issue. Earlier this month, during a Senate Judiciary Committee hearing, Franken questioned Attorney General Eric Holder why, over the past three years, hundreds of billions of dollars have been awarded to defense contractors who have previously been convicted of fraud. See here for the video. Senator Franken similarly questioned Assistant Attorney General Lanny Breuer during a January Senate Judiciary Committee hearing. See here for the video.

In connection with the Senate’s November 2010 hearing “Examining Enforcement of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act” the DOJ was asked whether it favored “mandatory, conduct-based, debarment remedy for companies that engage in egregious bribery.” See here for the prior post including the DOJ’s response.

BAE … Inside the SFO

Several prior posts (here) have been devoted to the BAE case, both the U.K. – Serious Fraud Office component (and challenges to the plea agreement) and the DOJ’s bribery, yet no bribery allegations and charges.

This post returns to the SFO component of the BAE matter.

Widespread allegations that BAE was involved in bribery and corruption on a grand and global scale are detailed in Black Money – a PBS Frontline documentary from April 2009 (here).

In 2004 the SFO began investigating whether BAE made bribe payments to secure Saudi fighter jet contracts. However, in late 2006, the SFO was forced to halt its investigation under pressure from the U.K. government, which cited national security concerns should the investigation go forward.

However, because BAE also allegedly made bribe payments in numerous other countries to secure business, the SFO, under a new Director, revived its investigation of BAE, at least as to non-Saudi issues, including whether the company paid bribes to secure contracts in various European and African countries. After settlement talks stalled – the conventional wisdom is that BAE was unwilling to plead guilty to bribery related offenses given the collateral effect of the mandatory European Union debarment provisions – the SFO pressed ahead with the case.

The SFO Director stated in late January 2010 that “BAE is clearly a very important case” and that “it is very important that we get it right.”

In late January 2010, the SFO issued a release (here) stating that Count Mensdorff, a former BAE agent, was criminally charged with “conspiracy to corrupt” and for “conspiring with others to give or agree to give corrupt payments […] to officials and other agents of certain Eastern and Central European governments, including the Czech Republic, Hungary and Austria as inducements to secure, or as rewards for having secured, contracts from those governments for the supply of goods to them, namely SAAB/Gripen fighter jets, by BAE Systems Plc.”

Then, in early February 2010, the SFO announced (here) its long-awaited resolution of the BAE matter. Despite allegations of wide-spread bribery on a global scale, and despite BAE’s agent being criminally indicated a few days earlier in connection with bribe payments in “certain Eastern and Central European government” (presumably on evidence that such payments did indeed occur), the SFO resolution related solely to the company’s failure “to keep reasonable and accurate accounting records in relation to its activities in Tanzania.” The SFO release notes that BAE will pay a £30 million penalty “comprising a fine to be determined by the Court with the balance paid as a charitable payment for the benefit of Tanzania.”

Most dramatic, and in a strange turn of events, the SFO announced that it had withdrawn the criminal charges filed days earlier against Count Mensdorff. The same release also notes that “[t]his decision brings to an end the SFO’s investigations into BAE’s defense contracts.”

In the face of widespread criticism, the SFO defended its handling of the BAE matter and noted that “the public interest lay in drawing a line under the whole investigation.”

Documents filed in connection with the SFO-BAE plea agreement challenge shed additional light on the SFO’s abrupt end to the BAE investigation.

In the SFO’s “Grounds for Contesting the Claim” (here) the SFO details the history of its investigation.

Highlights include:

“From the beginning of March 2009, the SFO had been involved in plea discussions with BAE. The position of the SFO was that it would be satisfied with pleas to charges in respect to some, but not necessarily all, the strands of its investigation.”

By September 30, 2009 (“the SFO imposed deadline”) no agreement had been reached and “discussions in England were discontinued.” “By that time, it was known that plea discussions between the DOJ and BAE in the U.S. had also failed to produce any agreement.”

“In late January – early February 2010 there was a material change in circumstances. First on January 29, the DOJ contacted the SFO and indicated that a plea agreement with BAE was imminent. The agreement involved BAE entering pleas of guilty with respect of offenses in connection to the investigations concerning Eastern Europe and Saudi Arabia and a payment of $400 million.”

The SFO “received advice from counsel that the Eastern Europe aspect of the proposed U.S. agreement was highly likely to have the effect of preventing prosecution for the offenses under consideration in respect of the Eastern European investigation in England, on the basis of the application of the principle of double jeopardy. This represented an additional, potentially serious difficulty in respect of the evidential test. Additionally, the [SFO] re-assessed the effect of the agreement on public interest considerations. He concluded that it was not in the public interest to pursue BAE in England in respect of matters to which the company was to plead guilty in the U.S.”

[Note – BAE pleaded guilty in the U.S. to “conspiring to defraud the United States by impairing and impeding its lawful functions, to make false statements about its Foreign Corrupt Practices Act compliance program, and to violate the Arms Export Control Act, and International Traffic in Arms Regulations.” It is difficult to see how this plea would raise double jeopardy issues for a corruption / bribery offense.]

“On February 4, 2010 […] BAE indicated that it was prepared to plead guilty […] in respect of the Tanzanian transaction, and pay a sum of £30 million. The [SFO] concluded than an agreement on such a basis was in the public interest.”

“…a serious evidential difficulty had been identified in respect of potential corruption charges, namely the difficulty of proving the involvement of a ‘controlling mind’ in the offending. In the absence of a plea agreement, this raised the prospect that the [SFO], having gained no admission of criminal liability or any financial payment, would (a) nevertheless be forced to conclude that there was no realistic prospect of conviction in respect of corruption offenses or (b) end up prosecuting a weak and vulnerable case.”

[Note – the above assertion would seem to differ significantly from the assertions of former SFO prosecutors Robert Wardle and Helen Garlick made in the above referenced Black Money documentary]

“By virtue of Article 45 of the European Union Public Sector Procurement Directive 2004, a conviction for an offense of corruption would have had the effect of debarring BAE for tendering for public contracts in the EU. This could have been a disproportionate outcome, having regard to the fact that the relevant conduct took place many years ago and the company had taken substantial steps to transform itself as an organization since then.”

“The plea agreements in England and the US were entered into on February 5, 2010 and brought to an end the investigation of BAE.”

Thus, over the course of six days, the multi-year investigation of BAE was swiftly resolved and, as in the U.S., a driving force behind the ultimate charges was to avoid application of the European Union debarment provisions.

So why did the SFO abruptly drop the criminal charges against Count Mensdorff?

The short answer is that BAE would not agree to the SFO plea (as watered down as it was) without the SFO agreeing to drop the charges against Count Mensdorff.

The SFO notes that a “particular problem arose in Count Mensdorff’s case which led to him being charged sooner than had initially evisaged.”

“Count Mendsdorff is an Austrian citizen. As of January 2010, he was in the United Kingdom on police bail. In discussions with the SFO, the Austrian authorities made clear that, as a matter of Austrian law, if he returned to Austria there would be no jurisdiction to extradite Count Mensdorff in respect of the offense which the SFO was considering charging, namely conspiracy to corrupt.”

The “SFO concluded that, in the absence of effective extradition arrangements, there was a strong likelihood that, if not charged on January 29th, Count Mensdorff would go to Austria and not re-enter the jurisdiction to face criminal proceedings.”

The SFO “decided that the appropriate course of action was to charge Count Mensdorff on January 29th, ensuring that he then became subject to court bail conditions sufficient to ensure he remained within, or came back to, the jurisdiction. Count Mensdorff was duly charged.”

“As it transpired, on February 4th, during plea discussions, BAE requested an undertaking from the SFO that in any future prosecutions (to which BAE was not a party) the prosecution could not allege that the company was guilty of corruption. The [SFO] concluded that without such an undertaking, a plea agreement could not be achieved. The [SFO] received advice from counsel to the effect that in a prosecution of Count Mensdorff, or any of the individuals under investigation in connection with the Eastern European transactions, it would not be possible to proceed without making an allegation of corruption against BAE. In short, the SFO concluded that Count Mensdorff could not be prosecuted consistent with the terms of the undertaking sought. In the circumstances, the [SFO] took the view that it was in the public interest to give the undertaking to BAE, thereby enabling the plea agreement to be achieved, and, consequently, to withdraw the charge against Count Mensdroff.”

In a recent April 20th Financial Times article, the SFO said “we do not accept that we acted hastily – these were considered negotiations and were not rushed decisions.”

The same article noted that because the SFO dropped the charges against Count Mensdroff, he is able to “claim his legal costs from taxpayer funds.” According to the article, Mensdorff, who assets include a castle, has made such a claim.

SFO Given Green Light to Complete Plea Agreement With BAE

An additional development from the U.K. to report. A previous post (see here) discussed the efforts of Corner House Research and Campaign Against Arms Trade, two British non-profits, to derail the SFO’s plea agreement with BAE.

Earlier this month, a U.K. High Court prohibited the SFO “from taking any steps in its prosecution of BAE” “until the determination of the application for permission to apply for judicial review or further order.”

As is being reported today, the permission to apply for judicial review has been refused. In a two-page order, the judge wrote that: “it is only in the most exceptional case that the court will think it right to interfere with a prosecutorial decision such as this;” that the SFO “applied the guidelines … properly” and that the SFO’s decision to resolve the matter in the way it did was not “unlawful.”

According to this release, Corner House and Campaign Against Arms Trade “are taking legal advice on whether or not to appeal the decision.”

A spokesperson for one of the groups said that “we are obviously disappointed by the Judge’s decision to refuse permission,” and that the ruling “implies that the law allows a giant company to pay a small financial penalty for ‘accounting irregularities’ rather than be charged and tried in open court on more serious criminal charges.” According to media report, a BAE spokesperson said that this recent decision is “a matter between the two campaign groups and the SFO.”

In a related development (see here), Austrian prosecutors are reportedly continuing to investigate BAE’s agent Alfons Mensdorff-Pouilly. (See here for a prior post).

BAE – U.K. Court to SFO … Not So Fast!

Yesterday’s post concerned the final act in the BAE circus in the U.S. (see here). As promised, today we venture across the Atlantic to the U.K., a country which has played host to many acts in the BAE bribery, yet no bribery circus.

Yesterday, a U.K. High Court prohibited (see here) the Serious Fraud Office (“SFO”) “from taking any steps in its prosecution of BAE” “until the determination of the application for permission to apply for judicial review or further order.” For press coverage (see here).

Here is the relevant background.

In mid-February, Corner House Research and Campaign Against Arms Trade, two British non-profits, wrote to Richard Alderman, the Director of the SFO, asking him to revoke the plea bargain agreement it had entered into with BAE. (See here and here).

The groups argue “that the Director of the SFO has acted unlawfully as the guidance under which the Director must operate makes clear that once the decision to prosecute has been taken, the charges agreed in any plea agreement must reflect the seriousness of the offending concerned.”

The letter details the SFO’s statements leading up to its February 5th settlement with BAE as well as SFO guidance “specifically designed to apply to plea discussions of the type engaged in by the SFO with BAE” and argues that the SFO’s decision to resolve the BAE matter in the way it did was both “unlawful” and “irrational.”

The SFO guidance relevant to plea negotiations identified in the letter is similar to the factors U.S. prosecutors are to consider in resolving corporate criminal issues pursuant to the Principles of Federal Prosecution of Business Organizations found in the U.S. Attorneys’ Manual (see here).

The SFO refused to reconsider its decision and on February 26th, the groups (see here) “lodged papers at the High Court asking for an injunction (see here) to delay the [SFO] from seeking court approval for its controversial plea bargain settlement with BAE Systems pending the outcome of a Judicial Review.” The groups also “lodged papers requesting the Judicial Review (see here) at the same time.”

By way of summary, the groups:

“contend that the proposed settlement is unlawful because the SFO did not follow the correct prosecution guidance (including its own guidance) on plea bargain;”

“argue that the agreement does not reflect the seriousness and extent of BAE’s alleged corruption, and does not provide the court with adequate sentencing powers; and

“hold that the SFO unlawfully concluded that the factors weighing against prosecuting BAE on bribery and corruption charges outweighted those in favor of prosecution.”

The groups also requested judicial review of the “SFO’s decision to discontinue its prosecution of [BAE’s agent] Count Alfons-Mensdorff-Pouilly.”

As indicated in a prior post (here), the SFO withdrew its filed criminal charges against BAE’s agent days after criminally charging him (presumably based on evidence that the following did indeed occur) with “conspiracy to corrupt” and for “conspiring with others to give or agree to give corrupt payments […] to unknown officials and other agents of certain Eastern and Central European governments, including the Czech Republic, Hungary and Austria as inducements to secure, or as rewards for having secured, contracts from those governments for the supply of goods to them, namely SAAB/Gripen fighter jets, by BAE Systems Plc.”

The Statement of Facts and Grounds in support of the request for judicial review is substantively similar to the above referenced initial letter in that it details the SFO’s statements leading up to its February 5th settlement as well as the SFO guidance “specifically designed to apply to plea discussions of the type engaged in by the SFO with BAE” and argues that the SFO’s decision to resolve the BAE matter in the way it did was both “unlawful” and “irrational.”

According to this release, “[t]he injunction is in force until the Court has decided whether or not to give permission to Campaign Against Arms Trade and The Corner House to apply for a judicial review of the settlement. It will make this decision by March 20, 2010.”

Clearly the “standing” requirements for challenging an agency action in the U.K. are different than in the U.S. Under U.S. law, mere taxpayer status is generally not enough to challenge an agency action, rather a plaintiff must allege unique, personal injury fairly traceable to the conduct at issue. If anyone is conversant on the U.K. standing rules relevant to the SFO challenge, please consider this an invitation for a guest post.

BAE

In a joint enforcement action that is sure to generate much discussion and controversy, the U.K. Serious Fraud Office (SFO) and the U.S. DOJ announced today resolution of an enforcement action against BAE Systems.

The SFO announced (here) that it has “reached an agreement with BAE systems that the company will plead guilty” to the offense of “failing to keep reasonably accurate accounting records in relation to its activities in Tanzania.”

BAE’s press release (here) notes that “[i]n connection with the sale of a radar system by the Company to Tanzania in 1999, the Company made commission payments to a marketing adviser and failed to accurately record such payments in its accounting records. The Company failed to scrutinise these records adequately to ensure that they were reasonably accurate and permitted them to remain uncorrected. The Company very much regrets and accepts full responsibility for these past shortcomings.”

The SFO and company release note that BAE will pay a £30 million penalty “comprising a fine to be determined by the Court with the balance paid as a charitable payment for the benefit of Tanzania.”

In a strange turn of events, the SFO also announced (here) that it has withdrawn charges filed last week (see here) against a former agent charged with “conspiracy to corrupt” and for “conspiring with others to give or agree to give corrupt payments […] to unknown officials and other agents of certain Eastern and Central European governments, including the Czech Republic, Hungary and Austria as inducements to secure, or as rewards for having secured, contracts from those governments for the supply of goods to them, namely SAAB/Gripen fighter jets, by BAE Systems Plc.”

The SFO release notes that “[t]his decision brings to an end the SFO’s investigations into BAE’s defence contracts.”

So what happened to the charges and allegations involving certain Eastern and Central European governments, including the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Austria?

Good question.

Much like the wave of magician’s wand, they have simply disappeared.

Closer to home, the DOJ announced that it:

“filed a criminal charge (here) in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia against BAE Systems plc charging that the multinational defense contractor conspired to impede the lawful functions of the Departments of Defense and State, made false statements to the Departments of Defense and Justice about establishing an effective anti-corruption compliance program to ensure conformance with the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and paid hundreds of millions of dollars in undisclosed commission payments in violation of U.S. export control laws.”

The DOJ and BAE release note that the company “will pay a fine of $400 million and make additional commitments concerning its ongoing compliance.”

According to the DOJ release (which is available through the DOJ Office of Public Affairs, but not yet publicly posted on DOJ’s website) “BAE Systems is charged with intentionally failing to put appropriate, anti-bribery preventative measures in place, contrary to the representations it made to the United States government, and then making hundreds of millions of dollars in payments to third parties, while knowing of a high probability that money would be passed on to foreign government decision makers to favor BAE in the award of defense contracts. BAE Systems allegedly failed to disclose these payments to the State Department, as it was required to do so under U.S. laws and regulations in order to get necessary export licenses.”

The bold language above would expose most companies to an FCPA enforcement action, but BAE is no ordinary company. It is a major defense contractor on both sides of the Atlantic (as noted in the criminal information “in 2008, BAE was the largest defense contractor in Europe and the fifth largest in the U.S. as measured by sales”).

You can bet that these charges were the subject of much negotiation so as to not upset current or future government contracts as well as foreign policy issues and concerns.

The BAE charges and thus similar to those against Siemens in December 2008. In that case, despite the company engaging in bribery “unprecedented in scale and geographic scope” and despite the company being one in which “bribery was nothing less than standard operating procedure” (both direct DOJ quotes), the company avoided FCPA antibribery charges. (See here for prior posts about Siemens).

These two cases seriously raise the issue of whether certain companies in certain industries are simply “above” the FCPA.

Can the enforcement agencies on both sides of the Atlantic say with a straight face that this case was merely about improper record keeping, making false statements to the government, and export licenses?

Transparency, corporate accountability, and indeed a criminal justice system all suffered setbacks today.

The FCPA suffered a black-eye as well and one would be right to ask, “what the heck is going on here!”

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