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Canadian Court Finds That Bribery Is A Specific Intent Offense And That Government Failed To Prove That Defendant Knew That Bribe Recipient Was A “Foreign Public Official”

Judicial Decision

This 2014 post highlighted Canadian charges against Robert Barra and Shailesh Govindia (individuals previously associated with Cryptometrics) for bribing Indian officials including those associated with Air India.

As highlighted in the below post, a Canadian court recently concluded that violations under Canada’s FCPA-like law – the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act (CFPOA) – are a specific intent offense and that Barra did not know the individual he allegedly bribed was a “foreign public official.”

As further highlighted below, the Canadian court’s specific intent ruling conflicts with certain FCPA jurisprudence while the Canadian court’s ruling regarding knowledge of the status of a “foreign public official” ruling is consistent with certain U.S. jurisprudence – namely U.S. v. Carson – in which the court issued a “knowledge of status of foreign official” jury instruction prior to trial. (See here).

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Friday Roundup

Up north, David Cameron gets it, scrutiny update, octogenarian, and quotable.  It’s all here in the Friday roundup.

Up North

Earlier this week, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police announced:

“The RCMP’s National Division has charged US nationals Robert Barra (former Cryptometrics CEO) and Dario Berini (former Cryptometrics COO) under Section 3.1 of the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act (CFPOA). UK national Shailesh Govindia, an agent for Cryptometrics, has also been charged under Section 3.1 of the CFPOA and with one count of fraud contrary to Section 380 Criminal Code. The charges were laid at the Ottawa Courthouse on Elgin Street.  These charges were laid as a result of an international investigation into allegations of bribery involving executives of Cryptometrics Canada Inc.  In 2006, Cryptometrics Canada tendered a contract with Air India for a Biometric Passenger Security System valued at approximately $100 million USD. Evidence gathered and later presented at trial revealed an agreement by Mr. Nazir Karigar, an agent working for Cryptometrics, to pay millions of dollars in bribes to Indian public officials for the purpose of securing a contract with Air India.  “We have a mandate to investigate domestic and international allegations of corruption of foreign public officials.  This investigation demonstrates the RCMP’s commitment to combating international corruption.  Leaving these crimes unchallenged can jeopardize Canada’s reputation as a fair and transparent society”, said Assistant Commissioner, Gilles Michaud, Commanding Officer of National Division.  The initial investigation led to a conviction for Mr. Nazir Karigar who received a three year sentence. The second phase of the investigation focused on the activities of the former CEO and COO of the company.  Canada-wide warrants have been issued for all three accused.”

See here for previous posts regarding the Karigar enforcement action.  For additional coverage of the recent charges, see here and here.

The charges against the foreign national defendants will be most interesting to follow, particularly in light of this April 2014 decision by a judge in Toronto who stayed a bribery charge under the CFPOA against foreign national defendant Abul Hasan Chowdhury.  The judge ruled that the CFPOA provided no jurisdiction over the foreign national defendant based on the alleged conduct.

David Cameron Gets It

In this opinion piece in the Wall Street Journal, the U.K. Prime Minister writes “the best way to fight corruption and drive growth is through what I call the three Ts: greater transparency, fair tax systems and freer trade.”

As to the later, Cameron writes:

“On trade, the World Trade Organization in December delivered a massive breakthrough, with the first global trade deal in a generation. Every country in the WTO committed to sweep away red tape and bureaucracy at ports and borders. This alone could add £70 billion to the world economy each year, including £7 billion for sub-Saharan Africa and £1 billion for the U.K. We must build on this momentum and press ahead with global negotiations on services and green goods, and we must take a bold and ambitious approach to bilateral trade deals. That means signing the EU-Canada deal and continuing the progress toward an EU-Japan agreement. Above all it means seizing the historic opportunity to conclude a deal like no other: the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership between the U.S. and EU begun at Lough Erne. This deal has the potential to deliver a turbo-boost to growth and jobs, helping to secure our economic future for the long-term. And by making global supply chains more efficient, it will also have benefits for the global economy. We must have the political courage to be radical in seeing this through. I certainly intend to be. And we must be just as ambitious in offering strong support for market access for the least developed countries.”

As previously highlighted (see here) trade barriers and distortions create bureaucracy. Bureaucracy creates points of contact with foreign officials. Points of contact with foreign officials create discretion. Discretion creates the opportunity for a foreign official to misuse their position by making demand bribes.  A reduction in bribery will not be achieved without a reduction in trade barriers and distortions.

Scrutiny Update

Key Energy Services

The company which previously disclosed FCPA scrutiny in Russia (see here) disclosed earlier this week as follows.

“In April 2014, the Company became aware of an allegation involving Key’s Mexico operations that, if true, could potentially constitute a violation of certain Company policies, including our Code of Business Conduct, the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) and other applicable laws. The Company conducted an initial investigation of this matter and the Board of Directors of the Company has formed a special committee of independent directors to oversee the investigation of this matter as well as the investigation of previously disclosed possible violations of the FCPA involving business activities of our operations in Russia, and any other resulting matters. The special committee has retained external independent legal counsel to continue these investigations. On May 30, 2014, the Company voluntarily disclosed the allegation and information from this initial investigation to the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and the Department of Justice (DOJ). The Company and its management are fully cooperating with the SEC and DOJ; however, at this time the Company is unable to predict the ultimate resolution of these matters with these agencies.”

Octogenarian

The SEC turns 80 today.  See here for an informative overview.  With the SEC currently having an FCPA Unit, it is interesting to note that the SEC originally never wanted any part in enforcing the FCPA’s anti-bribery provisions.  See here for “The Story of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.”

Quotable

I’ve never before visited the blog “The Campaign for Boring Development” but am glad my daily FCPA search landed me on this post because it contains perhaps the best comment under 25 words ever written about the word “corruption.”

“[C]orruption isn’t an analytical category, it’s a moral judgment. It’s a word that tends to close minds and end debates, rather than open them.”

I agree (see here for the prior post “Lots of Talk .. But What Is It?” and  here for my article “Corruption Is Bad … But What Is It, and What Should Be Done?”).

This post earlier this week focused on the DOJ’s and SEC’s apparent obsession with enforcement statistics.  In this retirement speech, long-time SEC enforcement attorney James Kidney calls this mindset a “cancer.”  He states:

“The only other item I want to be serious about, besides some personal observations in a minute, is the metric of the division of enforcement: number of cases brought. It is a cancer. It should be changed. I have suggested to our higher ups on several occasions starting a discussion about factors we – after Monday, you — should weigh in evaluating investigations to be sure our resources are being well-spent and properly distributed. It has gone nowhere. One argument against change is that the press and congress are welded to our own anvil. But I submit that there are not more than a dozen reporters who matter covering the Commission, and about the same number of Hill staffers. I imagine they would welcome coming to an educational event about the Division’s new metric, one which focuses on quality, not quantity. Who could be against it? Goodness knows we spend millions promoting even our emptiest achievements. Why not promote a new metric that will be sensible and helpful. Current management of the Division would either adjust or leave.

Please don’t tell me we account for other factors in our management of cases. We think about them, of course, but we all see cases frequently to which we offer a head scratching response. Really? The SEC spent time and money on that? These cases have no significant impact and the conduct is of minimal or no harm to the investing public. But the investigation has been intense and expensive. Could no one in management exercise judgment and call the investigation to a halt? Of course not! Bringing the case is a stat!

The metric we have now is built into the soul of the Division. It has to be removed root and branch.”

 

*****

A good weekend to all.

Worth Noting From Canada’s First CFPOA Decision

This previous guest post highlighted Canada’s first individual conviction for a bribery offense under the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act (“CFPOA”), including the specific facts in the action against Nazir Karigar.

Given the general dearth of Foreign Corrupt Practices Act case law, you ought to have the urge to digest any form of judicial scrutiny of “FCPA-like” cases and the judicial opinion in the Nazir Karigar case makes for an interesting and worthwhile read.

For starters, the judge found that Air India officials were “foreign public officials” under the CFPOA.

This is hardly surprising.

Why?

Because the CFPOA, unlike the FCPA, defines the targeted recipient category, in pertinent part, as follows.

“a person who performs public duties or functions for a foreign state, including a person employed by a board, commission, corporation or other body or authority that is established to perform a duty or function on behalf of the foreign state, or is performing such a duty or function”

As noted in my “foreign official” declaration (which has been cited by the defense in the pending 11th Circuit “foreign official” appeal in the Joel Esquenazi and Carlos Rodriguez action), despite being aware of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) during the FCPA’s legislative process, despite exhibiting a capability for drafting a foreign official definition that expressly included SOEs in other bills, and despite being provided a more precise way to describe SOEs during the legislative process, Congress chose not to include such definitions or concepts in FCPA.

Back to the Karigar decision.

The first take-away point is that the bribery attempt was unsuccessful in that the contract at issue was never awarded.  There have been FCPA enforcement actions consistent with this theory as well.  (See, among other actions, the 2005 FCPA enforcement action against Monsanto – here and here).

A disputed legal issue in Karigar was whether the prosecution needed to prove that the actual bribes were paid and the specific identity of the foreign public officials allegedly bribed.  Summarizing the argument of defense counsel, the opinion states:

“[I]n the submission of counsel for the accused, [counsel argues] that the court cannot know whether any foreign public official was actually offered or received a bribe or other inducement, whether any such official was induced to use his or her position to influence any act or decision and whether any such official had any duties or functions which could be influenced by any such inducement.  In short, in the absence of any evidence that a bribe was actually offered or paid to any official, how can the Crown have proven the requisites of the offense charged beyond a reasonable doubt?”

The opinion then states:

“I agree that there was no evidence as to what became of the two payments … after the amounts were transferred from the bank account of Cryptometrics Inc. in New York to the accused’s account in India.  It is correct so say that there was no evidence as to what subsequently became of those two sums of money and in particular whether these funds were offered or paid to anyone who qualified as a foreign public official under the Act.”

“The position of the Crown is that no evidence of what actually became of the money is necessary to establish a violation of the CFPOA.  The Crown argues that incoate offenses, in particular a conspiracy to pay bribes, as exists here, constitutes a violation of the Act.  […]

[…]

“There would appear to be no jurisprudence interpreting the CFPOA.  This is the first prosecution under this Act which has proceeded to trial.”

“In any event, I am satisfied that a conspiracy or agreement to bribe foreign public officials is a violation of the Act.  The actus reus of this offense is the agreement to pursue an unlawful object.  […]

[…]

“I also reject the accused’s submission on a policy basis.  In my opinion if the word ‘agrees’ in the Act is restricted to the act of essentially two parties, ‘one to pay the bribe and one to receive the bribe,’ the scope of the Act would be unduly restricted and its objectives defeated.  Moreover, to require proof of the offer of or receipt of a bribe and the identity of a particular recipient would require evidence from a foreign jurisdiction, possibly putting foreign nationals at risk and would the legislation difficult if not impossible to enforce and possibly offend international comity.”

If the above sounds familiar to you, it should.  Similar issues have been contested in recent FCPA enforcement actions.

In U.S. v. O’Shea, the DOJ alleged that the defendant violated the FCPA by making payments to officials at a Mexican utility allegedly owned or controlled by the Mexican government.  The judge granted a motion for acquittal after the DOJ’s evidence.  In doing so, and as relevant to the identity of a “foreign official” issue, the judge stated:

“You can’t convict a man promising to pay unless you have a particular promise to a particular person for a particular benefit. If you call up [somebody] and say, look, I’m going to send you 50 grand, bribe somebody, that does not meet the statute.”

However, the notion that the specific identity of a “foreign official” must be proven by the enforcement agencies has been rejected by two other trial courts in individual FCPA enforcement actions.  In SEC v. Jackson, the court concluded, in ruling on a pre-trial motion to dismiss, that the “government does not have to connect the payment to a particular official.”  The court stated:

“The language of the statute does not appear to require that the identity of the foreign official involved be pled with specificity. […] Nothing in the legislative history of the FCPA suggests that Congress intended to limit the application of [the FCPA] to those cases where the government could show that a defendant knew, either by name or job description, precisely which foreign officials would be receiving the illicit payments he had authorized. […] It would be perverse to read into the statute a requirement that a defendant know precisely which government official, or which level of government official, would be targeted by his agent; a defendant could simply avoid liability by ensuring that his agent never told him which official was being targeted and what precise action the official took in exchange for the bribe.”

Likewise in SEC v. Straub, the court agreed with the above Jackson decision in the context of a pre-trial motion to dismiss and stated that “the language of the [FCPA] does not appear to require that the identity of the foreign official involved be pled with specificity.”  The court stated:

“Such a requirement would be at odds with the statutory scheme, which targets actions (such as making an ‘offer’ or ‘promise’) without requiring that the ‘foreign official’ accept the offer or reveal his specific identity to the payer.  Indeed, the fact that the FCPA prohibits using ‘any person’ or an intermediary to facilitate the bribe to any ‘foreign official’ or ‘any foreign political party’ suggests that the statute contemplates situations in which the payer knows that a ‘foreign official’ will ultimately receive a bribe but only the intermediary knows the foreign official’s specific identity.”

Another interesting aspect of the Karigar is asking the obvious question – will there be a related FCPA enforcement action(s)?

Karigar was a paid agent for Cryptometrics Canada and acted on behalf of related entities including Cryptometrics USA.  According to the opinion, $200,000, was transferred from Cryptometrics USA to Karigar’s bank account in furtherance of the bribery scheme.  The opinion further references a relevant letter agreement between Kairgar and the CEO of Cryptometrics USA as well as specific conduct in furtherance of the bribery scheme that took place at Cryptometrics’s office in New York.  In addition, the opinion references an additional $650,000 that was transferred from Crytometrics USA’s bank account in furtherance of the scheme.

Moreover, as noted in the opinion, Karigar corresponded with the DOJ regarding the conduct at issue.  Specifically, the opinion states “that on August 13, 2007, Karigar  – using an alias – “sent an e-mail to the Fraud Section (FCPA) of the U.S. Department of Justice stating that he had information about U.S. citizens paying bribes to foreign officers and inquired about reporting the matter.”  The opinion also references two other e-mails Karigar sent to the DOJ.

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