House Hearing – Overview and Observations
Representative James Sensenbrenner (R-WI) today chaired a hearing of the House Judiciary Committee, Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, and Homeland Security titled “Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.” (See here for the video).
This post provides a chronological overview of the hearing as well as observations.
Compared to the Senate’s FCPA hearing in November 2010 (see here for the prior post) today’s hearing (approximately two hours) was much more contentious. For instance, during the hearing Chairman Sensenbrenner noted that FCPA enforcement has become a “considerable windfall for the federal government” and he concluded the hearing by telling Greg Andres (DOJ) that it “would behoove the DOJ to realize that the statute needs updating” and that those on the Committee will be drafting a reform bill.
The hearing focused on a wide range of issues and in many ways was similar to FCPA reform hearings in the 1980’s in that a common theme explored during the hearing was whether the current state of FCPA enforcement harms U.S. business.
There is clearly a push to introduce FCPA reform legislation and members of both parties appeared receptive (to at least certain) FCPA reform proposals most notably clarifying the FCPA’s definition of “foreign official” / “instrumentality” and exploring an FCPA compliance defense. In fact, John Conyers (D-MI), who appeared most supportive of the current state of FCPA enforcement, stated he would support such reform proposals. The DOJ supports neither of these proposals.
Other issues explored in the hearing included prosecutorial discretion and DOJ declination decisions – including a request that the DOJ provide further information as to its declination decisions.
What happens next is a good question.
It seems like an FCPA reform bill will soon be introduced and hearings as to the specifics of such a bill may occur. Whether such a bill can get out of committee for full consideration by the House, and whether similar bills will be introduced in the Senate, is the open question. Politically, any FCPA reform efforts are likely, because of the topic at issue, to attract substantial opposition – including opposition that is less than informed as to the actual issues.
It bears noting that the last time Congress enacted significant FCPA amendments, the process took eight years and the statute was amended, not through a stand-alone bill, but through Title V, Subtitle A, Part I of the Omnibus Trade and Competiveness Act of 1988.
Opening Statement of Chairman Sensenbrenner
Sensenbrenner began by noting that when Congress passed the FCPA in 1977 the “world was a different place.” In response to slush funds and secret payments to foreign governments that adversely affected U.S. foreign policy, Congress passed the FCPA and the law “sent a strong signal.” (For an overview of the facts and circumstances motivating Congress to pass the FCPA – see here).
Sensenebrenner next observed that thirty-four years later, the world has turned upside down, China is a power, the nature of overseas business has changed, and many countries have some state-control over business.
Sensenbrenner noted that there has been a dramatic increase in FCPA prosecution and that last year approximately 1/2 of all DOJ criminal penalties were in FCPA cases (see here for the DOJ release) – a dynamic he called a “considerable windfall for the federal government.”
In touching upon themes similar to when Congress held substantive FCPA hearings in the mid-1980’s, Sensenbrenner placed the increase in FCPA enforcement in the context of the current economic downturn. Indeed a theme throughout the hearing was that the current state of FCPA enforcement may be harming U.S. business interests.
Sensenbrenner stated that “FCPA prosecutions should be effective and fair,” but also “predictable” so that the “rules of the road are clear” so that “business can start moving again.”
In closing his opening statement, Sensenbrenner stated that the Committee was well-suited to examine the impact of the FCPA and to ask hard questions – such as whether the FCPA was succeeding in its mission or hurting job creation.
Opening Statement of Ranking Member Scott
Robert Scott (D-VA) next made an opening statement. Scott summarized the reform proposals including providing greater clarity to the “foreign official” definition. As a potential compliance affirmative defense, Scott observed that companies are spending substantial sums – millions of dollars in some cases – on FCPA compliance – a result he indicated may often result in “overcompliance” because companies would rather be “safe than sorry.” Scott stated that “punishing those companies and individuals who are operating in good faith runs counter to the basic tenets of fairness and justice.” He also indicated that successor liability “runs counter” to a system of justice that should only punish the guilty party.
In closing, Scott said that effective enforcement of the FCPA is “crucial” and he applauded aggressive enforcement of the law. At the same time, Scott noted the necessity of periodically reviewing laws to make sure “they remain fair and just.”
Opening Statement of John Conyers
John Conyers (D-MI) also made an opening statement. After a few sentences about unemployment figures and the Obama administration, Conyers asked the following question: will somebody explain to me how 140 cases in 10 years is “overly aggressive prosecution.”
Conyers did indicate in his opening statement that he does support certain FCPA reform proposals. As to clarification of “foreign official,” Conyers said he can “support this one” because it can create a problem when those subject to the FCPA do not have a clear understanding of who a “foreign official” is. Conyers also said that he can support the addition of a compliance defenses so that companies can fight imposition of criminal liability if individual employees and agents circumvent compliance measures. Conyers did not support other FCPA reform proposals – such as limiting successor liability, limiting parent company liability for acts of foreign subsidiaries, and adding a wilful mens rea requirement for corporations.
Statement by Greg Andres
Greg Andres (Deputy Assistant Attorney General) next delivered an opening statement. His prepared statement can be found here.
Among other things, Andres noted that DOJ’s FCPA prosecutions involve “systemic long-standing bribery schemes” not the payment of single bribe payments of nominal sums.
Andres specifically cited the Daimler AG and Siemens FCPA prosecutions to support this point. However, the irony is that neither of these FCPA enforcement actions involved FCPA anti-bribery charges against the parent company or any related individual prosecutions.
As to a potential FCPA compliance defense, Andres stated that the DOJ already considers a company’s pre-existing compliance policies and procedures pursuant to the Federal Principles of Prosecution of Business Organizations (see here).
As to providing guidance, Andres noted that the DOJ’s goal “is not simply to prosecute FCPA cases” and that senior DOJ officials often speak publicly on the FCPA and highlight relevant considerations and practices companies should adopt. Andres also discussed the DOJ’s FCPA Opinion Procedure program (see here for more).
In closing, Andres stated that DOJ is proud of its enforcement record and that it looks forward to working with Congress.
Statement by Michael Mukasey
Former Attorney General and current Debevoise & Plimpton partner Michael Mukasey next delivered an opening statement on behalf of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. See here for his prepared statement.
Mukasey began by noting that no one favors bribery and that while the FCPA indeed does have merit, “more than 30 years of experience” with the law demonstrates that it can be improved.
His testimony focused on two of the Chamber’s FCPA reform proposals: clarifying the definition of “foreign official” and “instrumentality” and amending the FCPA to include a compliance defense.
As to the later, Mukasey observed that statutory guidance can be found in Title VII of the Civil Rights Act which provides for something akin to a compliance defense. Mukasey stated that “dozens, if not hundreds of cases are resolved under this compliance defense” and that the defense reduces discrimination by encouraging employers to have robust compliance systems.
As to “foreign official,” Mukasey referenced the recent judicial opinions on this issue (see here and here for the prior posts), yet noted that the judges did very little to clarify the limits of the “foreign official” issue other than say that whether an employee of an alleged state-owned or state-controlled enterprise could constitute a “foreign official” varied depending on the circumstances. Mukasey stated that leaving this issue in the hands of a jury in a criminal trial makes it “impossible” for companies to determine in advance who is a “foreign official” thereby increasing uncertainty and barriers to U.S. business. According to Mukasey, “majority ownership is the most plausible threshold” for whether a state-owned or state-controlled enterprise constitutes a foreign government “instrumentality.”
Statement by George Terwilliger
George Terwilliger (White & Case) next delivered an opening statement. See here for his prepared statement.
Terwilliger opened by stating that he favors “fair enforcement of sensible corruption statutes” and that “leveling the playing field” is essential. He noted that the DOJ and SEC are “realizing their enforcement goal of driving companies into far greater compliance,” but also noted the less desirable effects of stepped-up enforcement. He spoke of the “hidden effect” of foregone business opportunities because of FCPA enforcement concerns and noted that the current state of enforcement may hurt job creation.
According to Terwilliger, the “hidden costs” of FCPA enforcement are the result of uncertainty and that companies sometimes forego deals, take a pass on certain projects and withdraw from other projects – not because such companies are necessarily risk averse – but because of the risk-reward ratio in this current FCPA enforcement environment.
Terwilliger proposed a further FCPA reform proposal related to successor liability and that is a statutory safe harbor provision during which an acquiring company could be shielded from FCPA liability for a defined time period post-closing. During this post-closing period, the acquiring company would undertake a thorough review of the target’s business operations and have the opportunity to self-disclose any FCPA issues to the enforcement authorities.
Statement by Shana-Tara Regon
Shana-Tara Regon (Director, White Collar Crime Policy, National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers) next testified. See here for her prepared statement.
She observed that given the general lack of judicial scrutiny over FCPA enforcement, the FCPA says whatever essentially the DOJ says it means and that the FCPA has, in many instances, become a strict liability statute “in ways that those who created the FCPA could never have envisoned.”
Regon stated that NACDL does not advocate bribery and similarly stated that advocating for reform is not akin to advocating for bribery. Her testimony was focused on two reform proposals – clarifying the definition of “foreign official” and strengthening the mens rea requirement for corporate offenses. She stated that the FCPA is “emblematic of the general problem of overcriminalization” and that FCPA enforcement has several “unintended consequences” including over-compliance.
During the hearing, Global Financial Integrity (see here for yesterday’s post) tweeted as follos: ” This group of witnesses is such a sham. All three non-DOJ witnesses spewing disingenuous pro-#bribery #AmChamb talking points #FCPAHearing.” (See here).
Chairman Sensenbrenner reserved his questions for the end and next called on various Representatives present.
Q&A Session
Tom Marino (R-PA) asked Andres (DOJ) about the DOJ’s top enforcement obstacle.
Andres stated that because FCPA violations focus on conduct abroad, the DOJ often needs to rely on MLAT requests which can take longer. He noted that the DOJ is in favor of extending the FCPA’s statute of limitations given that it generally takes a long time to investigate FCPA cases. Andres further stated that while there is much discussion as to the increase in FCPA enforcement, this discussion often “fails to recognize the size and magnitude of the problem.”
Robert Scott (D-VA) next asked Mukasey whether the compliance defense proposed was a total defense or an affirmative defense. Mukasey stated that the proposal was for an affirmative defense and that where there is a proved violation of the FCPA, the question should then become whether the company had a compliance mechanism in place reasonable designed to detect and prevent the conduct. Mukasey noted that this issue may be an “uphill climb” for a company, but that the FCPA ought to at least allow a company to pursue such a defense.
Scott next asked Mukasey about the mens rea reform proposal for corporate liability. Mukasey seemed to be advocating a corporate liability standard similar to the (soon to be old) U.K. standard and the current Canada law standard when he stated that a company should only be held liable if someone in a “policy making position” was involved in or condoned the improper activity.
Scott next asked Andres (DOJ) the general question of whether any de minimis cases have ever been brought by the DOJ. Andres stated “no,” the DOJ has never prosecuted “cup of coffee, lunch, taxi-ride type of cases” and he further stated that because of the FCPA’s corrupt intent element and the affirmative defense for reasonable and bona fide business expenditures, it is an open question as to whether such facts even violate the statute.
Even so, Andres stated that the DOJ is opposed to creating a de minimis exception to the FCPA because small, recurring payments can amount to significant bribery. He stated that the amount of the bribe is not the relevant consideration, rather the intent of the bribe is and that all bribery is inappropriate. Andres said that all the talk of taxi-ride payments and meals being in violation of the FCPA “is not reflected in our enforcement actions.”
Taxi-cabs were a recurring issue throughout the hearing. Mukasey stated, in response to a question, that the taxi-cab example is real and that when “nervous counsel” found out that a company may have paid a “foreign official’s” taxi-cab fare, the company disclosed the conduct to the DOJ and the DOJ requested that the company investigate its entire relationship with the “foreign official.” Mukasey stated that this investigation cost the company approximately $200,000, no violation was found, and that the company could have used this money for something more beneficial than conducting in investigation as to these facts.
Louie Gohmert (R-TX) next stated that those subject to the FCPA “ought to have a clear enough line” so that people don’t have to think “is it or isn’t it a bribe” to make this payment. Gohmert said that Congress can define bribery so that companies “can have a clear line” so that a company does not have to spend $200,000 to figure out whehther paying for a cab is an FCPA violation. Gohmert then made an interesting observing that the FCPA allows a “young prosecutor” or an “FBI agent seeking to make a name for himself” the opportunity to pursue all sorts of enforcement actions and that enforcement then ends up being more aggressive than it should be.
Gohmert next asked Andres (DOJ) as follows: why should a company be prosecuted if a company has a compliance program set up according to the standards set forth in Chapter 8 of the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines (see here). Gohmert stated that if a company has done everything it can do, it seems like a strict liability standard if the company is prosecuted because of the act of an employee acting contrary to the company’s policy. Andres stated that the DOJ “does not prosecute companies based on the acts of a single, rogue employee.”
Rather, Andres stated that the DOJ looks at how pervasive was the conduct or whether the conduct involved a high-ranking employee. Andres specifically stated that the DOJ opposes consideration of an FCPA compliance defense. He stated that DOJ already seriously considers compliance programs in its charging decisions, along with other factors such as cooperation and voluntary disclosure.
Andres called a potential compliance defense “novel” and one that is not “well-defined.” He said that such a defense could lead to “paper compliance.” He also referenced the U.K. Bribery Act (which does contain such a compliance defense) yet stated that this defense is not yet in effect and thus there is no precedent to analyze to see whether such a defense is effective.
Given that the DOJ frequently takes FCPA enforcement position that are “novel,” are not “well-defined,” and are not supported by precedent, Andres response on this issue was less than convincing.
In closing, Andres stated that an FCPA compliance defense could “create a loophole” and allow for some bribery to occur. He called such a potential defense “novel and risky” and said that the “time is not right to consider it.”
The floor next returned to John Conyers (D-MI). He stated that ignorance of the law is no excuse and wondered why in the case of bribery does there need to be a de minimis rule. He stated that “corporations have more lawyers than anybody else” and “why do they need to know” how low the bribery threshold should be. He said that “they don’t deserve to know that.”
Conyers also conducted the most contentious Q&A exchange of the hearing with Regon. Conyers asked – “give me some examples of overcriminalization of the FCPA.” He repeatedly interrupted Regon and asked “just give me some examples” “give me an instance of where one case was ever brought by the DOJ that would constitute overcriminalization.” Conyers stated, “only 140 cases have been brought in 10 years -that averages 14 cases a year – is that overcriminalization to you?” Regon stated that overcriminlization occurs when a statute provides no reasonable limits and that she is concerned more about prosecutions that may occur in the future more so than prosecutions that have already occured.
Ted Poe (R-TX) next launched into a criticism of China. He said that “China, through its government, follows a systematic philosophy of corruption” and that China will “do anything in the world to get their way” including stealing from the U.S. and paying bribes. He suggested that “any means necessary” is the Chinese way to get business. “We on the other hand,” Poe stated, “believe in the rule of law.” Poe stated that the “Chinese are effective in their philosophy” and he observed that he just returned from Iraq where he learned that Chinese companies are going to rebuild Iraqi’s oil system and that he suspected money changed hands in order to get this business.
Poe, a former prosecutor, next said that it “disturbs” him when we give DOJ prosecutors too much discretion. Poe said that he was not advocating loosening the standards, but he did prefer “absolute certainty” about what is a violation of the FCPA as “opposed to too much discretion” by the DOJ on what something means and whether it is a bribe.
Judy Chu (D-CA) next asked Andres a series of questions allowing him to further articulate how the DOJ takes into consideration a company’s compliance program and how compliance expectations are stated in public documents such as Chapter 8 of the Sentencing Guidlines and the OECD Guidelines. (See here). Andres further stated that there are situations where the DOJ does not pursue an enforcement action because of a variety of factors, including a company’s pre-existing compliance program, even if these instances are not made public because the DOJ does not issue a press release. Asked by Chu for reasons why FCPA enforcement has expanded, Andres stated that the “problem is as big as it has ever been” and that “at least one reason” for the increase in enforcement is the result of SOX whereby companies have an obligation to test its internal controls – tests that often uncover FCPA issues that are then often disclosed to the DOJ.
Hank Johnson (D-GA) next asked Regon about prosecutorial discretion and whether it is fair to say that the “looser the law the more prosecutorial discretion and the narrower the law the less prosecutorial discretion.” Regon stated that if the DOJ means what it says (i.e. that it targets only explicit instances of bribery and that it does not prosecute based on the actions of rogue employees), then the DOJ should not mind less prosecutorial discretion. Johnson next launched into an unusual statement about illegal crime (blue-collar crime) and legal crime (white collar crime in the sense that prosecutions of white collar crime tend to be less vigorous). Johnson said he was bothered by the fact there has not been much prosecutorial activity as to white collar crime, he said this “seems kind of fishy” and that some “folks are getting off the hook for legal crime.”
Sandra Adams (R-FL) next asked Andres whether the DOJ has a definition of “foreign official” or “instrumentality.” Andres said, in addition to the statute, there are now several decisions by district courts that further “amplified” the definition of foreign official. Andres stated that DOJ does not support a change to the definition of “foreign official” or “instrumentality.”
Adams next Andres several pointed questions about DOJ declination decisions and whether such decisions are published or transparent. Andres stated that this is a difficult area for the government because the DOJ does not want to “penalize a company or individual investigated by not prosecuted.”
I’ve argued before (see here for the prior post) that the DOJ should publish its declination decisions in a manner similar to its FCPA Opinion Procedure decisions. Given that most declination decisions would seem to follow disclosure by a company of FCPA scrutiny (in its SEC filings), Andres’s rationale for not making declination decisions public is less than convincing.
Adams asked – in the last year, how many instances of FCPA conduct have been disclosed to the DOJ where no enforcement action resulted. Andres did not offer any specific number, but retreated to the FCPA Opinion Procedure and noted that if a company ever has a question about the FCPA, it has the ability to ask the DOJ and the DOJ is obligated to give an opinion.
Adams next asked Andres whether the DOJ is defining what the law means. Andres said that “everyone of these cases is negotiated with experienced defense counsel” and that counsel has “ample opportunity” to address any issues concerning the DOJ’s enforcement.
Mukasey then answered that while resolved FCPA enforcement actions make for interesting case studies, such resolutions are not binding in other cases.
Before her time expired, Adams requested that the DOJ provide the Committee with more detail as to its declination decisions, including the DOJ’s reasons and rationale for why enforcement actions did not result. Chairman Sensenbrenner then followed up and said DOJ’s responses will be made part of hearing record.
Shelia Jackson Lee (D-TX) next asked Andres how many attorneys and staff are assigned to FCPA enforcement. He stated that the DOJ’s FCPA unit, includes a core unit in D.C. of 15 to 20 enforcement attorneys and that assistance in trials is given by local prosecutors. Jackson Lee asked “is this an excessive amount” and Andres said “certaintly not in light of the size and magnitude of the bribery problem … it is significant.” Jackson Lee next received a tutorial from Andres as to the FCPA’s jurisdiction over foreign companies.
Ben Quayle (R-AZ) next asked a question very much based on current events and that is the scrutiny of the Macau gaming industry. [Las Vegas Sands recently disclosed that it received subpoenas concerning its conduct in Macau]. Andres stated that it was not appropriate for him to comment on any ongoing investigations.
Quayle next asked Andres whethr General Motors would be considered a U.S. government “instrumentality.” Andres said that in addressing this issue, the DOJ considers government ownership or investment as only one factor. Other factors include characterization of the entity under foreign law, the purpose of the entity, and that under these factors General Motors would likely not qualify as a U.S. government “instrumentality.” Quayle next asked whether it is relevant if the government has communications with the company’s board and the government has the ability to control or influence the entity (a presumed reference to GM’s relationship with the U.S. government). Andres again stated that control and ownership is but one factor and he specifically referenced the recent Lindsey prosecution where the Mexican entity at issue was specifically addressed in the country’s constitution.
Quayle next asked Terwilliger whether he has any knowledge of companies conceding markets to foreign competitors because of the FCPA. Terwilliger stated that “conceding markets” may be a bit strong, but that American companies have become much more circumspect in dealing with foreign business opportunities because of FCPA enforcement. In particular, Terwilliger said that companies may bypass “smaller opportunities” (that might become bigger opportunities) because of the FCPA in that the cost-benefit analysis and FCPA compliance are too much to worry about.
Chairman Sensenbrenner was the last person to ask questions and he began his time by stating as follows. There is “no question in my mind that we have to bring this law up to date.” “No one is in favor of bribery, but there has to be more certainty.” Sensenbrenner said he was “a bit befuddled” by Conyer’s statement that corporations don’t deserve to know what bribery is and he stated that “everyone has a right to know what is illegal.”
Sensenbrenner’s only question (a long one at that as he basically summarized the Chamber’s FCPA reform proposals) was directed to Regon and Andres. Regon focused mostly on the corporate mens rea issue and stated that her organization is supportive of “anything Congress does” to clarify the FCPA. Tara Regon failed to see the rationale for not providing greater clarity as to the FCPA and noted that “we have many bribery statutes on the books, and some of those are written tightly and work well.”
Sensenbrenner then asked Andres – which of Regon’s suggestions do you agree with and Andres said “I don’t agree with any of them.” For instance, Andres said with the definition of “foreign official” that “one thing you need to take into consideration is that the statute covers the whole world” and that what might constitute a “foreign official” in China may be different than what constitutes a “foreign official” in Brazil or France.
Sensenbrenner grasped onto this issue and noted that this part of the uncertainty that people are complaining about.
Andres followed with two points. First, that if there is concern, companies subject to the FCPA can ask for a DOJ opinion. This only seemed to enrange Sensenbrenner further as he stated “come on, China is a communist country – they are not going to tell you what the government involvement is” in a company “they don’t have the type of disclosure we have.”
Andres second point was that the FCPA makes illegal paying a bribe and that if companies aren’t paying bribes they have nothing to fear.
Sensenbrenner then seemed to pose a question at the end of the hearing as to whether the DOJ would support an FCPA amendment that simply makee bribery (all bribery) illegal (perhaps akin to the UK Bribery Act). Sensenbrenner did not pause for Andres to respond and he (Sensenbrenner) concluded the hearing by saying “it would behoove the DOJ to realize that the statute needs updating.” Andres said that the DOJ is “more than willing to work with Congress” to which Sensenbrenner said “see you later we will be drafting a bill.”
Sensenbrenner then commented that if Andres were the general counsel of a corporation advising the CEO and everyone else, he would likely be advising the company in the “most narrow way” and “exercising the greatest amount of caution.” “As a result,” Sensenbrenner stated, legitimate business activity is not pursued and U.S. companies are put in a significant disadvantage compared to foreign companies.
Sensenbrenner then told Andres – “get the message sir and tell that to the AG.”
House Hearing – Pregame
Yesterday, Global Financial Integrity (“GFI”) and The Task Force on Financial Integrity and Economic Development issued identical press releases (here and here) regarding today’s House Judiciary subcommittee hearing on the FCPA (see here).
The releases, titled “Foreign Corrupt Practices Act Under Attack” portray today’s hearing as a U.S. Chamber of Commerce sponsored event and states as follows. “Among other things, the hearing will specifically consider amendments proposed to the act by the U.S. Chamber Institute for Legal Reform, an affiliate of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which FCPA-proponents charge will significantly weaken the anti-corruption legislation and undermine efforts to tackle corruption and illicit financial practices abroad. The Chamber’s proposed changes would seriously undermine one of the most important anti-corruption statues we have on the books. […] This is a blatant attempt by the business lobby to limit accountability and reduce a company’s risk of prosecution for paying bribes. It is a real threat to global efforts to stamp out corruption and foster economic development.”
GFI legislative affairs director and legal affairs council Heather Lowe states as follows. “With the exception of [the DOJ witness – Greg Andres], the witness lineup represents commercial interests. There is no witness on the panel representing those who are working to fight corruption without a commercial interest or government policy driving their testimony. Members of Congress need to have an opportunity to hear those voices as well.”
Attached to the releases are two documents.
The first document is titled “Concerns About the U.S. Chamber Institute of Legal Reform’s Proposals for Amending the FCPA.” (For a copy of the Chamber’s reform proposals – see here).
The document addresses five topics: (i) limiting liability of a parent company for acts of its subsidiaries; (ii) defining “foreign official”; (iii) allowing companies with compliance programs to escape liability (compliance as an affirmative defense); (iv) limiting the liability of a successor company for the prior acts of a company that has merged into it or that it has acquired; and (v) adding a “willfulness” requirement for corporate criminal liability.
As to “foreign official,” the document states as follows. “The U.S. Chamber is promoting the creation of a definition of “foreign official” so that companies have greater legal certainty. Greater certainty of what? Greater certainty of who they are permitted to bribe and who they are not permitted to bribe.”
In all due respect, this is a naive statement.
As I noted in this article, because of the enforcement agencies’ current interpretation of “foreign official,” those subject to the FCPA are spending significant time and money investigating the ownership structure of foreign customers and potential customers for any trace of foreign government ownership or control. Such a costly investigation, often involving lawyers and other investigative firms, is not motivated by the company’s desire to make improper payments to the foreign customer or potential customer to obtain or retain business should the investigation reveal no foreign government ownership or control. Rather, the costly investigation is often motivated for the simple reason that the company wants to treat these foreign customers the same as it treats its other customers. That means hosting such customers at corporate events in which some fun may take place (e.g., golf) or inviting such customers to an industry trade show—events that often take place in tourist locations. Companies fear providing such “things of value” to a “foreign official” (under the enforcement agencies’ interpretation) even though the company is legitimately and legally providing the exact same thing to its non- “foreign official” customers or potential customers. It is highly questionable whether Congress foresaw company lawyers being involved in the simple decision of whether to invite a particular customer to the company’s golf outing or trade show.
As to a potential compliance defense, the document states as follows. “If a company is found to be in violation of the FCPA, then the existence of a company’s compliance program must not have prevented the acts of bribery. So why should the existence of their compliance program be a defense to the charge of bribery?”
Again, an unsophisticated statement.
For instance, the U.K. Bribery Act Guidance (here) states as follows. “The objective of the Act is not to bring the full force of the criminal law to bear upon well run commercial organizations that experience an isolated incident of bribery on their behalf.”
“[N]o bribery prevention regime will be capable of preventing bribery at all times.”
“[A] commercial organization will have a full defense if it can show that despite a particular case of bribery, it nevertheless had adequate procedures in place to prevent persons associated with it from bribing.”
Similarly, in a 1981 FCPA speech (to be profiled in a future post) the SEC Chairman noted as follows. “The test of a company’s internal control system is not whether occasional failings can occur. Those will happen in the most ideally managed company. But, an adequate system of internal controls means that, when such breaches do arise, they will be isolated rather than systemic, and they will be subject to a reasonable likelihood of being uncovered in a timely manner and then remedied promptly. Barring, of course, the participation or complicity of senior company officials in the deed, when discovery and correction expeditiously follow, no failing in the company’s internal accounting system would have existed. To the contrary, routine discovery and correction would evidence its effectiveness.”
Elsewhere in the speech, the SEC Chairman stated as follows. “If a violation was committed by a low level employee, without the knowledge of top management, with an adequate system of internal control, and with appropriate corrective action taken by the issuer, we do not believe that any action against the company would be called for.”
This speech was given during the same general time frame when Congress was last seriously considering substantial FCPA reform in the 1980’s. Numerous FCPA reform bills included a specific defense which stated a company would not be held vicariously liable for a violation of the FCPA’s anti-bribery provisions by its employees or agents, who were not an officer or director, if the company established procedures reasonably designed to prevent and detect FCPA violations by employees and agents. An FCPA reform bill containing such a provision did pass the U.S. House.
In my forthcoming scholarship, “Revisiting an FCPA Compliance Defense” (to be presented at the Wisconsin Law Review symposium – see here), I argue that amending the FCPA to include a compliance defense (a defense found in the “FCPA-like” laws of other nations) will best incentivize corporate FCPA compliance and not put a company at risk of FCPA scrutiny, costly FCPA internal investigations, and the growing collateral consequences of FCPA inquiries should a non-executive employee engage in conduct contrary to a company’s pre-existing FCPA compliance policies and procedures and compliance culture.
The second document attached to the GFI releases is titled “The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act in Context.” The 2 page document ends with the following in red caps. “WE HAVE SHOWN THE WORLD THAT THE U.S. IS SERIOUS ABOUT COMBATING BRIBERY, AND THE WORLD IS FOLLOWING OUR LEAD. WEAKENING THE FCPA NOW WILL SEND A MESSAGE TO THE WORLD THAT THE U.S. IS SOFT ON CORRUPTION AND OUR COMPANIES ARE DEEP POCKETS FOR BRIBE-SEEKERS. THE U.S. SHOULD FOCUS ON ENCOURAGING WORLDWIDE ENFORCEMENT, NOT CRIPPLING A STATUTE THAT HAS BEEN THE MODEL FOR INTERNATIONAL ANTI-BRIBERY LEGISLATION.”
Enjoy today’s hearing.
Something To Think About
The holiday weekend is upon us and perhaps you have already left the office.
Here is something to think about over the long weekend.
India’s Chief Economic Adviser, the economist Kaushik Basu, recently posted a paper titled “Why, for a Class of Bribes, the Act of Giving a Bribe Should be Treated as Legal” (here).
The abstract is as follows.
“The paper puts forward a small but novel idea of how we can cut down the incidence of bribery. There are different kinds of bribes and what this paper is concerned with are bribes that people often have to give to get what they are legally entitled to. I shall call these harassment bribes. Suppose an income tax refund is held back from a taxpayer till he pays some cash to the officer. Suppose government allots subsidized land to a person but when the person goes to get her paperwork done and receive documents for this land, she is asked to pay a hefty bribe. These are all illustrations of harassment bribes. Harassment bribery is widespread in India and it plays a large role in breeding inefficiency and has a corrosive effect on civil society. The central message of this paper is that we should declare the act of giving a bribe in all such cases as legitimate activity. In other words the giver of a harassment bribe should have full immunity from any punitive action by the state.
It is argued that this will cause a sharp decline in the incidence of bribery. The reasoning is that once the law is altered in this manner, after the act of bribery is committed, the interests of the bribe giver and the bribe taker will be at divergence. The bribe giver will be willing to cooperate in getting the bribe taker caught. Knowing that this will happen, the bribe taker will be deterred from taking a bribe.
It should be emphasized that what is being argued in this paper is not a retrospective pardon for bribe-giving. Retrospective pardons are like amnesties. They encourage rather than discourage corrupt behavior by rewarding the corrupt. And, in the process, they corrode society‘s morals.”
See here for the recent CNN segment “What in the World” for more on Basu’s proposal as well as other innovative ideas to reduce bribery and corruption.
The solution Basu addresses would seem most applicable to domestic bribery where a prosecuting agency has jurisdiction over both the bribe payor and bribe recipient. That is not the case in a typical FCPA scenario, but Basu’s paper and proposal is indeed interesting, thought provoking material.
*****
Finally, a previous post (here) discussed customer rewards programs and the SEC’s interest in RAE Systems.
Turns out there is an interest in this general issue on the other side of the Atlantic as well.
The office of Richard Alderman (Director of the U.K. Serious Fraud Office) alerted me to a recent speech he gave (here) at the 2011 International Medical Device Industry Compliance Conference. In the speech, Alderman talked about the soon-to-go live Bribery Act, self reporting, and the SFO’s relationship with the DOJ.
Alderman also talked about “incentive payments” and stated as follows.
“What I am also seeing is corporates having a hard look at some of the arrangements that are in fact justifiable for commercial reasons but which have not been scrutinized before with a view to seeing whether or not there are risks of bribery. Let me give you an example. Incentive payments. These are a common feature of many industries and I suspect of your own as well. I know that a number of companies and a number of industry organisations have been looking at this issue in order to see whether there are risks when the Bribery Act comes into force. We have had a number of meetings in the SFO with corporates and industry bodies about this issue. We have been able to talk through the issues and offer reassurance.
Clearly, these incentive payments are normally designed for commercial reasons and are commercially justifiable. There are risks though. What we have been talking about with corporates is the need for transparency and, in particular, the need to know where the money goes and the fact that it is justifiable. We also talk about the need for a senior person at the corporate’s head office to have visibility of what is happening and to be satisfied that what is happening is justifiable.
This may well be a feature of your own industry (and indeed I imagine that it probably is) and it may be that this is something that you want to discuss.”
*****
A good weekend to all.
Tenaris Resolves FCPA Enforcement – SEC Uses a DPA For the First Time
Once upon a time there was a law enforcement system in this country where companies that committed crimes or engaged in other wrongdoing were prosecuted criminally and/or civilly and where companies that did not commit crimes or did not engage in other wrongdoing were not prosecuted. That system has to a large extent been abandoned by the DOJ years ago – particularly in the FCPA context – and now that system appears to be crumbling at the SEC as well.
In December 2010, the SEC entered into its first non-prosecution agreement – albeit not in the FCPA context (see here for the prior post) and yesterday the SEC announced its first deferred prosecution agreement – of any kind – against Tenaris to resolve an FCPA enforcement action.
As has generally happened with the DOJ’s enforcement of the FCPA, the SEC’s enforcement of the FCPA will now be even further removed from judicial scrutiny and resolutions will now more frequently be negotiated over private conference room tables.
This is a troubling development on many fronts and it gives the public little confidence that our laws are enforced in a consistent and transparent manner or that regulators and companies are being held accountable.
With that introduction, let’s take a look at the Tenaris enforcement action.
Tenaris (here) “is a leading supplier of tubes and related services for the world’s energy industry and certain other industrial applications.” Tenaris is headquartered in Luxembourg and its American Depository Receipts (“ADRs”) are listed on the New York Stock Exchange. In FCPA-speak, that makes Tenaris an “issuer.”
The enforcement action involved both a DOJ and SEC component. Total settlement amount was $8.9 million ($3.5 million criminal penalty via a DOJ non prosecution agreement; $5.4 million in disgorgement and prejudgment interest via a SEC deferred prosecution agreement … its feels odd just writing that).
Both enforcement actions involve commission payments to an Uzbekistan agent to receive confidential bidding documents in connection with tenders conducted by alleged Uzbekistan state-owned or state-controlled companies. The enforcement actions state that Tenaris employees “were aware or substantially certain that all or a portion” of the commission payments would be offered by the Agent to employees at the SOEs and that certain of the payments were paid via a wire transfer through a New York bank account.
DOJ
The NPA (here – dated March 14, 2011) begins as follows.
The DOJ “will not criminally prosecute” Tenaris and its subsidiaries and affiliates for any crimes “related to Tenaris’s knowing violations of the anti-bribery and books and records provisions of the FCPA … arising from and related to the making of improper payments by employees and agents of Tenaris to officials of OJSC O’ztashqineftgaz (“OAO”), an Uzbekistan state-controlled oil and gas production company, and the accounting and record-keeping associated with these improper payments.”
The NPA has a term of two years and Tenaris admitted, accepted, and acknowledged responsibility for the below described conduct. As is typical in FCPA NPAs or DPAs, Tenaris agreed “not to make any public statement contradicting” the described conduct.
According to the NPA, Tenaris has more than 24,000 employees around the world and it conducts operations in 12 countries and its customers include the world’s leading oil and gas companies. The NPA states that Tenaris’s operations included supplying steel pipe and related servics in the Caspian Sea region, including Uzbekistan. This region accounted for approximately 1% of Tenaris’s total global sales and services from 2003 to 2008. Tenaris’s Caspian Sea business was run from offices in Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan.
According to the NPA, “Tenaris obtained oilfeld services business in the Caspian Sea region in part by bidding on contracts solicited by state-owned companies or governmental agencies to provide pipeline used in the development and production of oil and natural gas. Tenaris often used agents to assist in biddig on government contracts in the Caspian Sea region.”
The conduct at issue focused on OAO contracts between 2006 and 2007. According to the NPA, OAO “was a wholly owned subsidiary of Uzbekneftegaz, the state holding company of Uzbekistan’s oil and gas industry” and during the relevant time period “Uzbekneftegaz and OAO were wholly owned by the Government Uzbekistan.” The NPA then states, “OAO was an agency and instrumentality of the Government of Uzbekistan and its employees were foreign officials within the meaning of the FCPA.”
According to its website (here) the current ownership of OAO is as follows: “government’s share – 51%; foreign investors’ share – 37.27%; free market trade share – 11.73%.”
According to the NPA, in December 2006, Tenaris “was introduced to a potential agent (“OAO Agent”) to help Tenaris bid on additional contracts with OAO” and “as an incentive to retain the OAO Agent, the OAO Agent offered Tenaris access to confidential bidding information of competitors obtained from officials in OAO’s tender department, who would allow Tenaris to submit revised bids after reviewing the confidential information.” The NPA states that “Tenaris would use the confidential competitor bid information to submit revised bids in order to increase the likelihood of Tenaris being awarded the underlying contract.”
According to the NPA, Tenaris “agreed to pay the OAO Agent a fee of 3.5% for these services” and that Employees A, B, C, and D (non-U.S. citizens but “employees and agents” of Tenaris) “were aware or substantially certain that all or a portion of such money would be offered by the OAO Agent to one or more OAO employees.”
The NPA then lists approximately $19.4 million in contracts Tenaris obtained using this system and states that certain of the commission payments to the OAO Agent were paid via wire transfer through a New York bank account.
Under the heading “Additional Improper Conduct to Avoid Detection,” the NPA states that in November 2007 the above referenced employees learned of complaints from company competitors as to the bidding process on certain of the contracts and that an investigation by Uzbekekspertiza JSC (a Uzbekistani government agency) might commence. According to the NPA, “in an effort to avert the potential investigation of the bidding process, the OAO Agent recommended to Tenaris that the OAO Agent make an improper payment to Uzbekekspertiza officials to refrain from recommending the investigation against Tenaris or re-opening the bidding process to Tenaris’s competitors” and that the employees “agreed to pay the recommended payment” to the officials to avert the investigation. However, the NPA states as follows: “the investigation did not uncover evidence that any such payment was made.”
As to books and records, the NPA states that “the books, records and accounts reflecting Tenaris’s transactions … were incorporated into Tenaris’s consolidated year-end financial statements” and that “Tenaris knowingly failed to make and keep books, records, and accounts that accurately and fairly reflected Tenaris’s transactions … and the payments to the OAO Agent.”
Based on the above conduct, Tenaris agreed to pay a $3.5 million criminal penalty. The NPA states as follows. “This substantially reduced monetary penalty reflects the DOJ’s determination to meaningfully credit Tenaris for its extraordinary cooperation with the Department, including its timely and voluntary disclosure, its subsequent investigation, and the effective manner in which Tenaris conveyed information to the [DOJ and the SEC].”
Inquiring minds want to know – how much was the penalty “substantially reduced?”
According to the NPA, the DOJ agreed to resolve the action via an NPA based, in part, on the following factors.
(a) Tenaris’s timely, voluntary, and complete disclosure of the conduct at issue;
(b) Tenaris’s extensive, thorough, real-time cooperation with the DOJ and the SEC;
(c) subsequent to its voluntary disclosure of certain conduct unrelated to Uzbekistan, but prior to discovery of the unlawful conduct related to Uzbekistan, Tenaris’s voluntary investigation of the Company’s business operations throughout the world, specifically including the thorough and effective manner in which this investigation was carried out and information was disclosed to the DOJ and SEC;
(d) Tenaris’s remedial efforts already undertaken and to be undertaken, including voluntary enhancements to its compliance program; and
(e) Tenaris’s commitment to implement enchanced compliance measures described in the NPA.
Based on (c) above, inquiring minds want to know – what did Tenaris originally voluntarily disclose?
Under the heading, “Disclosure and Investigation of Improper Activity,” the NPA states as follows.
“In or about March 2009, a third party disclosed to Tenaris information indicating that certain sales agency payments were made by Tenaris in relation to business in a country other than Uzbekistan. These payments appeared to be for an improper purpose. In response to this information, Tenaris’s Audit Committee retained outside counsel to investigate the allegations. Thereafter, in a Form 20-F filed with the SEC on or about June 30, 2009, Tenaris disclosed information related to these allegations. Tenaris also made a prompt, full disclosure of the information to the [DOJ] and the [SEC] concerning the allegations. In or around July 2009, counsel for Tenaris met with the [DOJ and SEC] and disclosed preliminary findings of the internal investigation. Such disclosure was related to facts known to Tenaris at the time but was not related to transactions in Uzbekistan. Tenaris’s counsel also informed the [DOJ and the SEC] that it would conduct a thorough, world-wide investigation of its business operations and internal controls and would report the findings to the [DOJ and SEC]. Tenaris’s investigation plan included significant collection and review of a substantial quantity of electronic and paper records from the company and third parties from multiple locations around the world, translation of all relevant materials into English, subsequent interviews of relevant personnel including senior executives and third parties, and review and testing of internal controls and compliance procedures. In or around June 2010, Tenaris disclosed the factual findings from its internal investigation in a thorough, complete and useful manner to the [DOJ and SEC]. As a result of its internal investigation, Tenaris discovered facts and transactions in Uzbekistan that constitute the violations set forth above. Tenaris voluntaly engaged in certain remediation efforts to include termination and disciplinary measures of the persons involved. Tenaris also thoroughly reviewed its pre-existing compliance program and applicable internal controls, and undertook voluntary, affirmative steps to update and improve its compliance program and to implement enhanced compliance measures and controls. Tenaris also agreed to provide real and meaningful cooperation with the [DOJ and SEC] and any law enforcement agency in connection with this matter.”
Again, inquiring minds want to know – what did Tenaris originally voluntarily disclose?
See here for the DOJ’s release announcing the enforcement action.
SEC
The SEC DPA (here) is based on the same core conduct described above.
As to internal controls, the SEC DPA states as follows.
“… Tenaris’s system of internal controls failed to detect or prevent payments to OAO officials in an effort to obtain and retain business in Uzbekistan, including a failure to ensure that proper and effective due diligence was conducted on the Agent for the OAO contracts, and that the review process for authorization or approval of payments to the Agent failed to detect or prevent the illegal payments to OAO officials. Tenaris’s policies, procedures and training related to anticorruption and the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (“FCPA”) compliance in place at that time warranted further strengthening to ensure effective compliance with the related laws.”
One of the undertakings Tenaris agreed to in the DPA was the following.
“To conduct effective training regarding anticorruption and compliance with the FCPA for (1) all current officers and managers, (2) all employees working in Finance, Accounting, Internal Audit, Sales, and Government Relations, (3) all other employees working in positions Tenaris deems to involve activities implicated by Tenaris’s policies regarding anticorruption and compliance with the FCPA, on or before December 31, 2011, and (4) all such future employees within 90 days oftheir affiliation with Tenaris.”
Under the terms of the two-year DPA, Tenaris, without admitting or denying the SEC’s allegations (the same way defendants are ordinarly allowed to resolve SEC enforcement actions), agreed to pay $5.4 million in disgorgement and prejudgment interest.
Pursuant to the DPA, Tenaris agreed “not to contest or contradict the factual statements” supporting the Statement of Facts. As noted in this prior post when the SEC announced its intention to make use of NPAs and DPAs, “[a]n admission or an agreement not to contest the relevant facts underlying the alleged offenses” is a key factor the SEC will consider in determining whether a company should receive a deferred prosecution agreement.
Like the SEC’s prior NPA, the Tenaris DPA is very similar to DOJ DPAs and NPAs.
In a release (here) the SEC touted its first use of a DPA.
Robert Khuzami (Director of the SEC’s Division of Enforcement) stated as follows. “The Tenaris foreign bribery scheme was unacceptable and unlawful, but the company’s response demonstrated high levels of corporate accountability and cooperation. The company’s immediate self-reporting, thorough internal investigation, full cooperation with SEC staff, enhanced anti-corruption procedures, and enhanced training made it an appropriate candidate for the Enforcement Division’s first Deferred Prosecution Agreement. Effective enforcement of the securities laws includes acknowledging and providing credit to those who fully and completely support our investigations and who display an exemplary commitment to compliance, cooperation, and remediation.”
Cheryl Scarboro (Chief of the SEC’s FCPA Unit) stated as follows. “Tenaris’s conduct was clearly in violation of the FCPA. The company’s employees bribed government officials in Uzbekistan to obtain government contracts. But when Tenaris discovered the illegal conduct, it took noteworthy steps to address the violations and significantly enhance its anti-corruption policies and practices to remediate weaknesses in its internal controls.”
Robert Giuffra, Jr. of Sullivan & Cromwell (here) represented Tenaris.
Guilty Verdicts in Lindsey Case
This past October, I asked (here) what will happen to Lindsey Manufacturing Company?
The company (a privately held manufacturer of electrical transmission towers and related products that employs approximately 100 individuals) was indicted along with its President, Keith Lindsey, and its Chief Financial Officer, Steven Lee. [Others outside the company were charged as well in connection with the case].
The case represented a rare instance of a criminal indictment of a company in the FCPA context.
Yesterday, after a five week trial in federal court in the C.D. of California, a jury returned guilty verdicts.
As noted in this DOJ release, Lindsey Manufacturing, Lindsey and Lee were convicted of one count of conspiracy to violate the FCPA and five counts of FCPA violations. The conduct at issue focused on commission payments made by Lindsey Manufacturing to Enrique and Angela Aguilar (directors of Grupo Internacional de Asesores S.A.) that “would be used to pay bribes to Mexican officials in exchange for [Comisión Federal de Electricidad (CFE), a state-owned utility company] awarding contracts to Lindsey Manufacturing.” As noted in the DOJ release, Angela Aguilar was convicted of one count of money laundering conspiracy and the court entered a judgment of acquittal prior to the jury’s verdict on one substantive count of money laundering against her. Enrique Aguilar is currently a fugitive.
Sentencing for Lindsey Manufacturing, Lindsey and Lee is scheduled for Sept. 16, 2011. Angela Aguilar’s sentencing is scheduled for Aug. 12, 2011.
Reacting to the guilty verdicts, Assistant Attorney General Lanny Breuer stated as follows. ““Today’s guilty verdicts are an important milestone in our Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) enforcement efforts. Lindsey Manufacturing is the first company to be tried and convicted on FCPA violations, but it will not be the last. Foreign corruption undermines the rule of law, stifling competition and the health of international markets and American businesses. As this prosecution shows, we are fiercely committed to bringing to justice all the players in these bribery schemes – the executives who conceive of the criminal plans, the people they use to pay the bribes, and the companies that knowingly allow these schemes to flourish. Bribery has real consequences.”
The Lindsey case attracted much interest as it was one of the “foreign official” challenges. See here for the full briefing and here for the written decision.
Prior to the jury verdicts, on Monday, Jan Handzlik (here – attorney for defendants Lindsey Manufacturing and Keith Lindsey) and Janet Levin (here – attorney for defendant Steve Lee) filed a motion to “Dismiss the Indictment with Prejudice due to Repeated and Intentional Government Misconduct.” Handzlik is quoted in this story by Samuel Rubenfeld at the Wall Street Journal as saying “we continue to believe in our clients’ innocence and will pursue our motion to dismiss the indictment on grounds of prosecutorial misconduct.” A hearing on that motion is set for June 6. Aguilar’s attorney, Stephen Larson (here) reportedly intends to seek a motion of acquittal as to the one charge his client was found guilty of.
Another case concerning alleged payments to CFE is pending in the Southern District of Texas against John Joseph O’Shea. See here for more.
So the question remains – what will happen to Lindsey Manufacturing?
As a small privately held company, Lindsey Manufacturing was able to aggressively mount a legal defense that publicly traded companies are unwilling, or some would say are logistically unable, to mount. Whether one agrees with certain of the judge’s pre-trial rulings or not, or whether one finds arguments about prosecutorial misconduct persuasive or not, the fact is, the Lindsey case, unlike the majority of FCPA enforcement actions, was subject to an adversary proceeding in which someone other than the enforcement agencies weighed in on the issues – and that is a good thing!