Russian FCPA: The Law Has Been Signed, Will The Culture Change Result?
Last month, Russian President Dimitri Medvedev signed legislation that criminalizes foreign bribery, with monetary sanctions for companies and individuals who bribe foreign public officials. Soon thereafter, the OECD formally invited Russia to join the OECD’s Working Group on Bribery and to accede to the OECD’s Anti-Bribery Convention (see here for the OECD release).
Max Chester (Senior Counsel at Foley & Lardner – see here) takes the stage today with this guest post. Chester, a native speaker of Russian with significant experience representing U.S. clients in commercial transactions in Russia, provides an overview and analysis of the new Russian “FCPA-like” law.
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Russian FCPA: The Law Has Been Signed, Will The Culture Change As A Result?
On May 4, 2011, Russian President Dmitriy Medvedev signed into law a measure that significantly increases fines for bribery in Russia and now specifically applies to bribery of foreign government officials. The new federal law (here) is entitled “Federal Law dated May 4, 2011 No. 97-FZ On inclusion of changes to the Criminal Code of Russian Federation and to the Code of Administrative Offences in Connection with the Improvement of Government Administration in the Area of Fighting Corruption.” While the Russian title of the new law is not easy to understand even for a native Russian speaker, its objective is clear: it is intended to fight corruption in Russia, one of President Medvedev’s highest stated priorities, and to support Russia’s bid to accede to the OECD Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions. Because the new law specifically prohibits offering or acceptance of a bribe by a foreign government official, we’ll refer to the new law as the “Russian FCPA.” Because the Russian FCPA prohibits commercial bribery and both receiving and offering corrupt payments to foreign government officials, the new law appears to resemble the UK Bribery Act and can be said to have even further reach than the US FCPA.
With respect to commercial bribery, the new law changes art. 46 of the Criminal Code and imposes the maximum fine for bribery in the amount of 100 times the amount of the bribe not to exceed 500 million rubles) (approximately $17.8 million). Prior to the amendment, the maximum monetary fine for acceptance of a bribe was 1 million rubles or an amount equaling salary/other income for the previous 5 year period and the maximum monetary fine for offering a bribe was 500,000 rubles or an amount equaling salary/other income for the previous 3 year period. The monetary fines for commercial grease payments (подкуп “podkup” in Russian) were even lower: the offeror could face a maximum fine of only 300,000 rubles or an amount equaling salary/other income for the previous 2 year period, and the acceptor could face a maximum fine of only 1 million rubles or an amount equaling salary/other income for a 5 year period.
While incarceration up to 12 years for bribery/grease payments was possible prior to the amendment, according Larisa Brycheva, the chair of the Office of Legal Affairs to the President of Russian Federation, only 26% of those convicted for bribery-related offenses were incarcerated. Furthermore, most of those convicted were offering/accepting small bribes (from 500 rubles to 10,000 rubles), making it difficult for Russian judges to impose sentences of up to 12 years in prison resulting from bribes equaling the cost of an average dinner for two at a Moscow restaurant.
Given this unimpressive to-date enforcement regime, the Russian lawmakers have decided that a significantly higher monetary fine would be more effective than a possibility of a lengthy prison sentence. While the anti-corruption professionals should welcome this change in the Russian law, a big question still remains exactly how aggressively Russian authorities will enforce the new law. It may not be palatable to impose a 500 million ruble fine on a Russian bureaucrat whose official government salary is 40,000 rubles and whose only official assets are his apartment (where his family lives and thus is not subject to forfeiture) and his dacha, the title to which is likely held by his relatives. The same can not be said of foreign businesses, however, on whom it would be much easier for Russian authorities to impose and collect fines equaling 100 times the bribe. There is no indication in the Russian FCPA that it would not apply to US companies doing business in Russia. In other words, if a US company or its constituents engage in commercial or foreign government official bribery in Russia, the offenders would be subject to fines and potential incarceration in Russia.
The Specific Provisions of the New Law
Acceptance of a Bribe
The Russian FCPA now specifically prohibits bribery involving foreign government officials. Thus, art. 290 of the Criminal Code (which prohibits acceptance of bribes directly or through intermediaries) as amended applies to government officials, foreign government officials or officials of public international organizations. The new law breaks down the fines into several categories depending on the conduct at issue and the amount of the bribe. In every case, however, in addition to the monetary penalty or a prison sentence with a monetary penalty, the offender may be restricted from occupying certain positions in government or commercial entities. For example, part 1 of art. 290 of the Criminal Code now imposes a penalty between 25-50 times the bribe amount or incarceration up to 3 years with a fine equaling 20 times the bribe amount if the bribe is under 25,000 rubles and was used to have an official perform an act (or refrain from performing an act) which falls within the official’s duties and responsibilities. Part 2 of article 290 states further that if the bribe amount is between 25,000 and 150,000 rubles, then the maximum penalty for a violation is a fine between 30-60 times the bribe amount or incarceration up to 6 years with a fine equaling 30 times the bribe.
If the actions (inactions) of government officials, foreign government officials or officials of public international organizations for which they accept a bribe are considered illegal, Part 3 of art. 290 of the Criminal Code now imposes a penalty equaling 40-70 times the bribe amount or incarceration for a period of 3-7 years with a fine equaling 40 times the bribe amount.
Even stiffer penalties (60-80 times the bribe amount or incarceration for a period of 5-10 years with a fine equaling 50 times the bribe amount) apply if the bribe is accepted by a federal Russian government official or an official of an equivalent body of local government administration. Art. 290, Part 4.
If the actions prohibited by parts 1-3 above involve a conspiracy, or a threat or the amount at issue is over 150,000 rubles, the penalty is 70-90 times the bribe or incarceration for a period of 7-12 years. Art. 290, Part 5
If the actions prohibited by parts 1-4 involve an amount greater than 1 million rubles, then the penalty is 80-100 times the bribe amount or incarceration for a period of 8-15 years with a penalty equaling 70 times the bribe amount.
Giving of a Bribe
The Russian FCPA similarly amends art. 291 of the Criminal Code, which now prohibits giving of a bribe (directly or through an intermediary) to a government official, foreign government official or an official of a public international organization. The giving of a bribe in the amount less than 25,000 rubles is punishable by a fine equaling 15-30 times the bribe amount or incarceration of up to 2 years with a fine equaling 10 times the bribe amount. Art. 291, Part 1.
The giving of a bribe in the amount between 25,000 rubles and 150,000 rubles is punishable by a fine equaling 20-40 times the bribe amount or incarceration of up to 3 years with a fine equaling 15 times the bribe amount. Art. 291, Part. 2.
If the actions prohibited by parts 1-3 above involve a conspiracy or the amount at issue is over 150,000 rubles, the penalty is 60-80 times the bribe or incarceration for a period of 5-8 years with a fine equaling 30 times the bribe amount. Art. 291, Part 4.
The giving of a bribe in the amount exceeding 1 million rubles is punishable by a fine equaling 70-90 times the bribe amount or incarceration for a period between 7 and 12 years with a fine equaling 70 times the bribe amount. Art. 291, Part. 2.
Giving of a bribe to a government official, foreign government official or an official of a public international organization to secure an action/inaction which is itself deemed illegal is punishable by a fine equaling 30-60 times the bribe amount or incarceration of up to 8 years with a fine equaling 30 times the bribe amount. Art. 291, Part 3.
Aiding and Abetting Bribery
The Russian FCPA also introduces new article 2911 to the Criminal Code, which prohibits aiding and abetting bribery if the amount of the bribe exceeds 25,000 rubles. In such circumstances, the Russian FCPA imposes a fine equaling 20-40 times the bribe or incarceration for a period of up to 5 years with a fine equaling 20 times the bribe amount.
If an aider assists with a bribery for an official’s act that itself is considered illegal or if an aider uses his official position in aiding the bribery, the penalty is 30-60 times the bribe or incarceration for a period of time between 3-7 years with a fine equaling 30 times the bribe amount.
If the aiding is committed by an organized group or pursuant to a conspiracy, or the amount of the bribe exceeds 150,000 rubles, the penalty is 60-80 times the bribe amount or incarceration for a period of time between 7-12 years with a fine equaling 60 times the bribe amount.
The penalty for aiding bribery in the amount exceeding 1 million rubles is 70-90 times the bribe amount or incarceration for a period of time between 7-12 years with a fine equaling 70 times the bribe amount.
A promise or an offer to aid in the bribery is also punishable by a penalty equaling 15-70 times the bribe or incarceration for a period of up to 7 years with a fine equaling 10-60 times the bribe amount.
Definition of Foreign Government Official
The Russian FCPA defines a “foreign government official” as any appointed or elected official who has a position in any legislative, executive, administrative, or judicial branch of a foreign country or an individual who serves any public function for a foreign country or a public agency or a public enterprise. This definition seems to suggest that Russian lawmakers embrace the position taken by the DOJ that employees of government owned enterprises are “foreign government officials” for purposes of the FCPA. It would be interesting to see if Russian authorities deem employees of General Motors, AIG or other large US companies where the US government has a substantial equity position, “foreign government officials” for purposes of the Russian FCPA.
Amendments to the Code of Administrative Offences of Russian Federation
The Russian FCPA also amends several provisions of the Code of Administrative Offences of Russian Federation. Among those is amendment to article 19.28, which imposes penalties on legal entities for commercial bribery or bribery of foreign government officials if a payment of a bribe or an offer of a bribe was made on a legal entity’s behalf. In such circumstances, the penalty is 3 times the amount of the bribe but not less than 1 million rubles. If the amount of the bribe at issue is greater than 1 million rubles, then the penalty is up to 30 times the bribe amount but not less than 20 million rubles. If the amount of the bribe at issue is over 20 million rubles, then the penalty is up to 100 times the bribe amount but not less than 100 million rubles.
In addition, the Russian FCPA introduces several new protocols for Russian authorities to seek information from their foreign counterparts in connection with the investigation by Russian authorities of violations set forth above as well as protocols for Russian authorities to respond to inquiries from foreign law enforcement agencies in connection with foreign law enforcement agencies’ investigation of crimes. These provisions will undoubtedly strengthen the level of cooperation between Russian and foreign law enforcement agencies in implementing anti-corruption measures. Such efforts are already underway, as evidenced by the recent meetings between Alexander Yakovenko, the Russian Ambassador to the United Kingdom in London, with Richard Alderman, Director of the Serious Fraud Office.
Conclusion
No law by itself can change overnight or even within a short period of time the “threatening” level of corruption that exists in Russia, as acknowledged by the Russian President himself. The current state of affairs in Russia is a product of 70+ years of socialist dictatorship and the resulting mindset of many government officials. This state of affairs will change, undoubtedly, and the passing of the Russian FCPA is the step in the right direction for Russia. It is up to the Russian authorities to follow through on the provisions of the new law.
Assessing the Power of the SEC to Impose Monetary Penalties In Administrative Proceedings Charging Violations of the FCPA
Foley & Lardner attorneys Kenneth Winer (here) and Manda Sertich (here) contribute this guest post regarding a little-noticed provision in Dodd-Frank and its impact on SEC FCPA enforcement.
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Assessing the Power of the SEC to Impose Monetary Penalties In Administrative Proceedings Charging Violations of the FCPA
The SEC recently imposed a civil penalty in an administrative proceeding involving payments to foreign government officials. In In the Matter of Ball Corporation, Exchange Act Rel. No. 64123, AAER No. 3255 (Mar. 24, 2011)(here), the SEC charged that Ball Corporation’s Argentinean subsidiary offered and paid at least ten bribes, totaling at least $106,749, to Argentinean government employees for favorable import/export treatment and mischaracterized the nature of the payments in the subsidiary’s books and records. In settling its administrative enforcement action against Ball Corporation on March 24 of this year, the SEC imposed a civil penalty of $300,000.00. [In a number of administrative proceedings, the Commission has ordered disgorgement and pre-judgment interest in addition to cease-and-desist orders in FCPA administrative proceedings, without additional civil penalties. See In the Matter of Avery Dennison Corporation, Exchange Act Rel. No. 60393, AAER No. 3021 at 6 (July 28, 2009); In the Matter of Westinghouse Air Brake Technologies Corp., Exchange Act Rel. No. 57333, AAER No. 2785 at 7 (Feb. 14, 2008), In the Matter of Electronic Data Systems Corp., Exchange Act Rel. No. 56519, AAER No. 2725 at 9 (Sept. 25, 2007)].
Until 2004, the SEC’s authority to impose monetary penalties in administrative proceedings was limited to regulated entities (brokerage firms, investment advisers and investment companies) and to persons who were associated with regulated entities. In 2010, as part of the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform Act, Congress granted the SEC broad authority to impose civil monetary penalties in administrative proceedings. Section 929P of Dodd-Frank amended the Securities Exchange Act to permit the imposition of civil monetary penalties in administrative proceedings in which the SEC staff seeks the issuance of a cease-and-desist order. Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act, Pub. L. No. 111-203, 124 Stat. 1376 (2010).
Law360 recently published an article analyzing the implications of Congress’s recent grant to the SEC of a broad power to impose civil monetary penalties in administrative proceedings stemming from the Dodd- Frank Act. Kenneth Winer & Laura Kwaterski, Assessing SEC Power in Administrative Proceedings (SecuritiesLaw360 Mar. 24, 2011). In this post, we discuss the implications this power poses for FCPA cases.
While the SEC’s interest in imposing monetary penalties in administrative proceedings is obvious given the rapid and inexpensive nature of such proceedings compared to federal district court trials, administrative proceedings risk incorrect factual and legal decisions against respondents because respondents do not have the same safeguards present in SEC administrative proceedings as in federal court. The three bases for this concern outlined in the Law360 article also apply in the FCPA context: (1) the limited discovery available to a respondent in an administrative proceeding; (2) the expedited pace of the administrative proceeding; and (3) the fact that the initial decision of the administrative law judge who presided at the hearing is subject to de novo review by the Commission.
With respect to the first basis for concern, in SEC administrative proceedings, the parties – except in rare circumstances – cannot depose witnesses. The inability to depose witnesses has only a limited adverse impact on the ability of the SEC to obtain incriminating evidence. The Staff can obtain incriminating evidence by using its investigative powers and the information- sharing arrangements that the SEC and DOJ have with law enforcement agencies across the globe. Although a respondent, like the SEC, can ask a witness to submit voluntarily to an interview, the typical respondent has far less leverage than the SEC to persuade a witness to agree voluntarily to an interview, especially given the SEC’s subpoena power and its ability to intimidate witnesses with its enforcement powers.
This concern may be particularly troublesome in FCPA cases, where potential key witnesses are often located in other countries, with little or no incentive to appear in an SEC administrative proceeding. Because the rules of evidence do not govern administrative proceedings, the SEC will be able to introduce statements of witnesses whom the respondent has had no opportunity to cross examine.
Next, as discussed in the Law360 article, in 2003 the Commission adopted a rule mandating that administrative proceedings must be completed at the ALJ level within 120 days, 210 days or 300 days. Additionally, SEC rules provide that the ALJs and the Commission shall “strongly disfavor” requests for extensions unless the moving party makes a strong showing that denial of the request would substantially prejudice his or her case. See 17 C.F.R. § 201.161(b)(1). At least as to individuals, the requirement of expedited administrative proceedings is also particularly worrisome when considered in the framework of the normal course of FCPA cases. The record developed in FCPA investigations often is extensive. It often will be unreasonable to expect an individual to prepare an appropriate defense in less than four months, especially when witnesses are likely to be scattered across the globe.
A third basis for concern identified in the Law360 article, de novo review by a commission, applies fully to the FCPA context. Both respondents and the public often have trouble understanding how it is fair and appropriate for the very commission that authorizes the institution of an enforcement proceeding to be able to overrule the factual findings of the ALJ who presided at the hearing, and this is no different with respect to FCPA enforcement proceedings.
The broad grant of the power to impose monetary penalties in administrative proceedings is especially significant in the context of the FCPA for at least two reasons. First, the SEC’s enforcement of the FCPA has been characterized by aggressive interpretations of the statute that have not been tested in the courts. In a civil action, a defendant could test such interpretations through motion practice. In administrative proceedings, however, a respondent’s ability to file motions testing aggressive legal theories is very limited. See, e.g., In the Matter of John P. Flannery and James D. Hopkins, Order on Motions for Leave to File Motions for Summary Disposition, Administrative Proceeding File No. 3-14081 (Jan. 10, 2001). In addition, a respondent will only be able to obtain judicial review of the SEC’s aggressive interpretation by appealing to the Court of Appeals the final decision that the Commission issues upon review of the initial decision of the administrative law judge who presided over the administrative proceeding.
Second, the SEC has sought substantial monetary penalties in settling enforcement actions involving the FCPA. For example, in 2007 the SEC filed a settled enforcement action charging Baker Hughes Incorporated with violations of the FCPA. Baker Hughes agreed to pay a civil penalty of $10 million for violating a 2001 Commission cease-and-desist Order prohibiting violations of the books and records and internal controls provisions of the FCPA, in addition to a payment of $23 million in disgorgement and prejudgment interest. SEC v. Baker Hughes Incorporated and Roy Fearnley, Civil Action No. H-07-1408, United States District Court for the Southern District of Texas (Houston Division) (EW) (Filed April 26, 2007). In 2010, the SEC filed a settled civil action against ABB, Ltd., in which it charged the company with bribing Mexican government officials to secure business with state-owned utilities companies and Iraqi government officials to obtain contracts under the U.N. Oil-for-Food Program. Pursuant to this settlement, ABB Ltd. was ordered to pay $16.51 million in civil penalties, in addition to nearly $23 million in disgorgement and prejudgment interest.
Individuals have also paid substantial civil penalties in settling such enforcement actions. Most recently, in January of this year, the SEC settled an enforcement action with Innospec’s former CEO, Paul Jennings, based on allegations that Jennings played a “key role” in Innospec’s bribery activities in Iraq and Indonesia. The executive was ordered to pay a $100,000 civil penalty, in addition to disgorging $116,092 and paying prejudgment interest in the amount of $12,945. SEC v. Paul W. Jennings, 1:11-CV-00144 (D.D.C. filed Jan. 24, 2011). In 2006, the Senior Vice President of Sales and marketing for Invision was ordered to pay a $65,000 civil penalty based on allegations that he aided and abetted InVision’s failure to establish adequate internal controls to prevent the company from violating the FCPA and that he indirectly caused the falsification of the company’s books and records. SEC v. David M. Pillor, Case No. C-06-4906-WHA (N.D. Cal. filed Aug. 15, 2006). Also in 2006, three senior employees of ABB Ltd. were ordered to pay civil monetary penalties ranging from $40,000 to $50,000 for violating the anti-bribery provisions of the FCPA and the books and records and internal accounting control provisions of Exchange Act Section. (One employee was also ordered to pay $64, 675 in disgorgement and prejudgment interest.) SEC v. John Samson, John G. A. Munro, Ian N. Campbell, and John H. Whelan, Civil Action No. 06 CV 01217(D.D.C. filed July 5, 2006).
In addition to increasing the risk that innocent parties will mistakenly be found to have violated the FCPA, the broad power Congress granted the SEC to impose civil monetary penalties in administrative proceeding adds additional pressure on individuals and entities to settle with the SEC even though they have not violated the law. Before seeking larger civil penalties in the FCPA context, the Commission therefore should consider whether the efficiency it gains by bringing enforcement actions administratively warrants the risk that the innocent will wrongly be found liable and the credibility that the Commission risks losing by aggressively exercising this broad grant of power.
A Q&A With Homer Moyer
In running a site called “FCPA Professor” it is only appropriate to touch base with a “Dean” on occasion.
I do so in this post with Homer Moyer, a “dean” of the FCPA bar. Moyer, a partner with Miller & Chevalier (see here) addresses a variety of topics in this Q&A – from evolution of the FCPA and FCPA enforcement to voluntary disclosure and investigative fees. Moyer closes out the Q&A with a few FCPA reform proposals of his own.
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Your government experience prior to law practice was with the Commerce Department, not the DOJ or SEC as is typical of many FCPA enforcement lawyers. How has your Commerce Department experience informed your FCPA practice?
I was at the Commerce Department when the FCPA was enacted, and I chaired an inter-agency group on FCPA issues. Of greater value to my later FCPA practice, however, was having served as general counsel of the Department that deals most directly with corporate issues and that both promotes and regulates American businesses. Also of great value were the experiences of having litigated cases as both a prosecutor and defense counsel. Perhaps most important, however, is having now seen hundreds of different FCPA issues for dozens of different clients.
Working on FCPA cases at the SEC or DOJ provides prosecutors with unique experience, but not the opportunity to counsel and represent corporate clients, manage complex legal issues for them, or help them devise and implement innovative compliance programs.
Describe your first FCPA matter or case? What were the issues? What were your client’s concerns?
One of my early cases, some 20 years ago, presented a host of issues that had not yet become commonplace. The case I have in mind involved potential vicarious liability for the acts of a third party, a third party who claimed that the work it did for a U.S. company created a “constructive partnership” that entitled it to share the company’s profits, questions of whether to consult voluntarily with DOJ, an industry with which DOJ was not yet well-acquainted, innovative compliance enhancements, related civil litigation, and forged evidence presented to a court.
That matter ended well, but it presented issues of first impression and foreshadowed how complicated FCPA cases could be.
The FCPA has evolved much since your first case. From your perspective, has this evolution been positive? Any negative aspects of this evolution? How has this evolution affected your practice and your clients?
The evolution of FCPA enforcement has unquestionably brought more and more attention to the issue of official corruption and has had an indisputable impact on corporate behavior, or the “supply side” of the bribery equation. In addition, it has done something that unilateral U.S. laws rarely do, namely, led to a far-reaching change and consensus in the international legal landscape, as now reflected in international anti-corruption conventions to which more than 150 countries have become signatories.
Despite two sets of amendments, the FCPA itself has changed relatively little since it was adopted in 1977. Its “evolution” has primarily been through a steady escalation in enforcement — the number and variety of enforcement actions, expansive interpretations of key provisions, the size and variety of penalties, the frequency of voluntary disclosures, and a steady rise in the levels of sophistication the government looks for in independent investigations, due diligence processes, and compliance programs.
Has this evolution been positive or negative? Few people would now dispute that corruption and bribery of foreign officials imposes staggering economic and social costs, frequently on countries that can afford it least. The question then becomes whether FCPA enforcement has made a positive difference in reducing or eliminating corruption. It probably has, but more relevant today is the continuing pervasiveness of official corruption and the daunting challenges to controlling it on a global basis.
With respect to the FCPA itself, complaints that it has created an “uneven playing field” have been somewhat undercut by aggressive FCPA enforcement against non-U.S. companies, by new international anti-corruption conventions, and by the beginnings of genuine enforcement in some other countries. And the lament that few FCPA cases are adjudicated in court does not distinguish FCPA enforcement from the enforcement patterns of many other regulatory laws. The infrequency of judicial review may occasionally embolden the government to overreach, but it has rarely resulted in abusive prosecutions.
In terms of our own practice, the increase in enforcement has plainly caused clients to be far more focused on anti-corruption issues than was once the case. This has certainly caused Miller & Chevalier’s long-standing FCPA practice to grow dramatically. It also appears to have created something of a traffic jam of newly minted “FCPA lawyers.”
Your point “that few FCPA cases are adjudicated in court does not distinguish FCPA enforcement from the enforcement patterns of many other regulatory laws” is a very valid point. However, isn’t a key difference though that other laws have benefited from several dozen circuit court opinions and perhaps a few Supreme Court decisions, such that the parameters of the law are at least set by someone other than the enforcement agencies? [Granted, 2011 will likely see several trial court decisions as to certain FCPA elements, but the FCPA is still a law that is lacking much meaningful precedential case law.]
One has to take the view — and I certainly do — that independent judicial review is a good thing — a critical part of our legal system and important to preserving the rule of law. Judicial review, or the prospect of judicial review, can help prevent regulatory or enforcement excesses. In some regulatory programs — environmental statutes come to mind — the level of judicial review is robust. And we are beginning to see more judicial review in FCPA cases involving individual defendants.
At the same time, some regulatory areas have been subject to as little, or even less, judicial scrutiny than the FCPA. Statutory restrictions on judicial review and judicial deference to agency interpretations of regulations having “national security” ramifications effectively reduce judicial oversight. One can look long and hard for good case law on the regulations enforced by the Office of Foreign Assets Controls (“OFAC”) or on export controls rules under the ITAR (International Traffic in Arms Regulations), each of which has seen regulatory overreaching and little accountability. One recent Federal Circuit Court opinion referred to the discretion reserved by the Executive Branch combined with the lack of clarity in the ITAR as something that would be expected of a totalitarian regime, not the United States Government.
In the end, however, the amount of judicial review is determined by the private sector. Clients are, of course, free to challenge FCPA enforcement actions, although historically corporate clients have tended to favor settlement as a preferable route. Moreover, recent FCPA court decisions reflect that courts will not necessarily interpret laws differently from enforcement agencies. Nonetheless, both corporate and individual defendants are free to challenge agency interpretations of the laws they enforce, and I and many other counsel would undoubtedly be available to help.
When President Obama, high-ranking DOJ officials and others in government talk about corruption and bribery, they talk about the bridge that crumbles because the contractor was selected based on a bribe payment or other similar scenarios. However, very few FCPA enforcement actions fit this scenario, rather the alleged violator is generally viewed as an industry leader that sells the best products for the best prices. Do you agree that a divide exists between such government or civil society statements and typical FCPA enforcement action scenarios? If so, how do we bridge this divide?
Bribery of foreign officials is, in the first instance, typically designed to overcome market forces and to distort competition, not to ensure the purchase of the best products at the best price. Whether or not a bridge is the best metaphor, FCPA violations reflect illicit payments that are made to enrich corrupt officials and that shift that cost to consumers and taxpayers. The consistent scenario in FCPA enforcement actions is that an alleged violator, or someone acting on its behalf, did, in fact, pay bribes, often egregious ones.
The most significant “divide” today is the uneven enforcement among signatories to anti-corruption conventions. Whereas the 1980s saw an industry push to repeal or relax the FCPA on the grounds that it was creating a competitive disadvantage for American companies, the more common complaint today is that other countries must consistently and meaningfully enforce their own anti-corruption laws to assure that the proverbial playing field is level.
Many calls to roll back the FCPA are now anomalous, as they would put the United States out of compliance with international conventions that the FCPA inspired and that the United States fought hard to achieve. They also run counter to the anti-corruption momentum of the last 20 years and would effectively legalize some practices that are coming to be universally condemned, if not yet universally punished.
I find that most U.S. multinational corporations would be delighted to compete on the merits. Indeed, some companies are affirmatively using integrity in the marketplace to gain a competitive advantage. Many have voluntarily prohibited “facilitating payments,” even though they are permissible under the FCPA. It is also interesting to note that Siemens, after paying record-shattering FCPA fines and taking aggressive steps to transform its entire corporate culture, has been posting record profits.
What is your reaction to this statement from a recent high-ranking DOJ official – ““the government sees a profitable program, and it’s going to ride that horse until it can’t ride it anymore.” Do you believe that FCPA enforcement has become a government cash cow? FCPA enforcement fines and penalties simply go into the U.S. Treasury. Are there better places for this money accepting the notion that bribery results in victims?
FCPA fines probably don’t rise to the level of a governmental “cash cow.” In fiscal terms, they are of no real moment. The government unfortunately needs some much bigger revenue cows.
I do believe, however, that law enforcement penalties should be a consequence of, not a reason for, enforcing criminal laws. And although penalties have risen, I do not have the sense that revenue production has been a driver of FCPA enforcement.
Your interesting question about whether penalties might be used to compensate the “victims” of corruption is a favorite in developing countries. It highlights the difficulties of tracing, seizing, and repatriating funds that corrupt officials have stolen from their countries. Even where recovery of funds is possible, assuring that they are then used to benefit the citizens who were cheated by official corruption is a challenge. That is, however, the right use of repatriated funds.
Because countries that have been cheated by their own rulers have rarely been able to recover the stolen funds, some have asked whether they should be compensated with funds collected as penalties in anti-corruption enforcement actions. This would be a break from past law enforcement patterns, and the idea appears not to have gained significant traction. The strongest case for making that break probably relates to funds collected as disgorgement of profits rather than pure fines. Indeed, one could argue that it would be more just for the bounties that whistleblowers can now earn under the Dodd-Frank law to go not to whistleblowers, but rather to the countries affected for the benefit of the victims of corruption.
Your response speaks of corrupt “officials,” “official corruption” and “rulers.” Yet, the vast majority of FCPA enforcement actions involve no such individual – rather the alleged recipient of the bribe is an employee of an alleged state-owned or state-controlled enterprise. In these cases, would not the most direct victim be the competitor who lost the contract or did not have the opportunity to bid. Are you in favor of an FCPA private right of action?
In most FCPA violations, there is more than one victim. Competitors can certainly be victims. So can government agencies or instrumentalities that are procuring goods or services. Even where there is an admitted bribe, however, determining which competitors may have been “victims” would undoubtedly be a messy and imperfect process. And allegations of improper payments are far more common than proof of improper payments, as any practitioner knows, and the complications of trying to identify victims and allocate compensation among everyone claiming status as a victim might make us long for the days when the principal issues were simply the ones you have asked about here.
What percentage of internal investigations you have worked on in the past 3-5 years that ended with a conclusion that the company violated the FCPA resulted in a voluntary disclosure? Same question for investigations you worked on during the time period 1995-2005? Why the difference?
Although we have clients who, after weighing all the relevant factors, have elected not to disclose, the percentage of matters that result in voluntary disclosures has plainly been rising. The reasons include changes in the sentencing guidelines, the enactment of Sarbanes-Oxley, greater Audit Committee oversight of investigations, the campaign by enforcement agencies to assure companies that voluntary disclosure and cooperation will result in “tangible benefits,” and the gradually spreading view that this is true, if not numerically predictable.
With Avon’s recent disclosure that it has spent over $100 million in professional fees and expenses in connection with an FCPA inquiry and other similar disclosures (albeit perhaps not as dramatic) have professional fees and expenses (law firm, accounting firm, etc.) associated with FCPA internal investigations gotten out of control?
I have to confess to being stunned at some of the reported costs of investigations. To be sure, the costs of investigations have risen with increased emphasis on electronic documents and the insistence that investigations must be independent, thorough, and knowledgeable.
Accepting those requirements, the cost-effectiveness of an investigation can be significantly improved by developing a careful work plan, utilizing a firm with experienced FCPA lawyers at all levels of seniority, tailoring the type of investigation to the type of issue, and making informed and reasonable judgments about when to stop an investigation and focus on remediation. In my experience, it is often possible to have a reasoned and productive dialogue with enforcement agencies about the scope and extent of investigations.
FCPA reform proposals are floating around and are reportedly being considered by certain members of Congress. In your view what reform proposals have merit and what issues are at the top of Homer Moyer’s FCPA reform list?
I find some of the calls for statutory reform less than compelling. Proposals to change the statute in ways that would be inconsistent with international conventions to which the U.S. is committed are unlikely to be successful, in my view, and could well open the door to other “reforms” that advocates for change might dislike, such as eliminating the exception for facilitating payments.
To be sure, in enforcing the FCPA, the government tries to overreach from time to time — exercising anti-bribery jurisdiction over foreign subsidiaries and aggressive applications of dd-3 jurisdictional on the grounds that some step in the process took place “in the territory of the United States” come to mind as occasional examples. When enforcement agencies overreach, they should be challenged.
My dream list of “reforms” might read something like the following:
• Internal DOJ guidance that voluntarily disclosed matters must normally be resolved by the Department within 90 days after completion of an internal investigation; that agencies should make public their calculations of credit for voluntary disclosure and coordination; and that the Department will publish sanitized summaries of its declinations.
• An amendment to tweak the whistle-blower provision of Dodd-Frank to relieve the SEC of the conundrum of implementing the statute consistent with its terms but in a manner that does not undercut effective corporate compliance programs;
• An agreement among prosecutors that in the case of parallel investigations by more than one country, private parties may request state-to-state consultations (as called for by the OECD convention), and the consulting states should assure that investigations are coordinated and penalties made complementary so that companies do not face redundant penalties or unnecessarily overlapping investigations.
• Insistence by the OECD that OECD membership for China, Russia, and India must include accession to the Anti-Corruption Convention, accelerated peer review, and possible reconsideration of OECD membership if implementation and enforcement of anti-corruption laws prove to be insufficient.
• Multilateral reform measures designed to minimize current legal impediments to identifying and seizing funds stolen by corrupt officials and to facilitate repatriation of such funds.
Uneven Justice: A Critical Look at FCPA Enforcement
The week starts with a guest post from Michael Volkov.
Volkov (here) is a partner at Mayer Brown LLP. His practice focuses on white collar defenses, FCPA enforcement and compliance, and litigation. The views expressed in this article are his own and do not represent those of his law firm, Mayer Brown LLP. He can be reached at mvolkov@mayerbrown.com.
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UNEVEN JUSTICE: A CRITICAL LOOK AT FCPA ENFORCEMENT
By Michael Volkov
The United States is a nation of laws: badly written and randomly enforced. ~Frank Zappa
Much has been written about the overall fairness of the Justice Department’s and the Securities and Exchange Commission’s aggressive FCPA enforcement program. Some have argued that DOJ and SEC have engaged in uneven justice: corporations plead to non-FCPA offenses, pay big fines, and continue business as usual. Others argue that DOJ has failed to prosecute individual executives and officers, or to ensure that corporations are debarred or suspended from continuing to sell to the federal government.
As a former federal prosecutor with nearly 20 years experience in the criminal justice system, I can assure you that some of the criticisms are accurate but some completely miss the mark. Last year, the Senate Judiciary Committee examined the controversy surrounding FCPA enforcement, and this year the House Judiciary Committee is planning to look at the issue.
DOJ is proud of its enforcement program. And rightly so – they have resuscitated a program which was dormant for years which now collects over one half of all criminal fines imposed each year in the United States. That is an impressive record.
Aside from the fundamental deficiencies inherent in DOJ’s voluntary disclosure process, DOJ claims that it gives adequate credit for corporate compliance programs, early cooperation and full disclosure. In response some suggest that plea agreements which are designed to protect companies from debarment and include pleas to non-FCPA charges are unfair. Part of that point is correct; the other part is flat out wrong.
Our criminal justice system operates day-to-day based on plea agreements. In the federal system, over 90 percent of federal cases are resolved through plea agreements. As part of that process, charge-bargaining is a critical component. DOJ’s decision to permit corporations, or typically country-specific subsidiaries to plead guilty to a non-FCPA offense, is in keeping with this long tradition. The underlying conduct as described in the plea agreement is known to all – the company engaged in systematic and widespread bribery. Nothing more, nothing less. To extrapolate from such a plea that DOJ is not enforcing the law is misguided and ignores the realities of the plea bargaining process.
On the other hand, DOJ’s willingness to forego debarment and/or suspension is certainly an issue that needs to be examined. As Professor Koehler testified at the Senate Judiciary Committee, BAE was awarded a government contract on the same day it plead guilty to a non-FCPA offense but paid a criminal fine over $400 million. That is certainly uneven justice, and Senators and policymakers should have taken note of this ironic enforcement twist.
Senator Specter and others have criticized the Justice Department for failing to include individual corporate executives and officers in its enforcement actions. The Justice Department’s Antitrust Division has a much better record on this score – corporations and individuals are prosecuted in criminal antitrust cases with equal vigor and results. Why has DOJ shied away from linking corporate cooperation to requiring cooperation against individual executives and officers at the offending company?
If the goal of DOJ’s enforcement program is corporate compliance, then the enforcement program needs to be recalibrated. Deterrence is an admirable objective and will certainly increase compliance, but DOJ has more tools available to it to encourage and promote cooperation. DOJ’s antitrust amnesty/leniency is an example of a program which has been incredibly successful on the enforcement and the compliance ends. While there are certainly problems with the application of a cartel-focused (multi-actor) model to FCPA cases, there are lessons which can be learned from the amnesty/leniency program.
We all aspire to equal justice and we all admire the image of justice that is blind as the hallmark of our judicial system. But right now what is needed is for justice to listen so that it operates with fairness and equal justice for all.
Oral Argument in Carson “Foreign Official” Challenge
Jaime Guerrero (Foley & Lardner – here) provides a first-hand account of yesterday’s oral arguments in the Carson “foreign official” challenge.
See here for a prior post, including links to the briefs.
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On Monday afternoon, May 9, 2011, United States District Judge James V. Selna heard oral arguments on defendants’ motion to dismiss the indictment on the “foreign official” issue in the Carson case in the Central District of California. In their moving papers, the defendants made three separate arguments in support of their motion to dismiss Counts One through Ten of the Indictment. Specifically, the defendants argued that: first, as a matter of statutory interpretation, employees of the state-owned companies identified in the indictment fall beyond the scope of the FCPA’s definition of “foreign official;” second, to the extent there is an ambiguity in the statute, the rule of lenity mandates that the motion be resolved in defendants’ favor; and third, to the extent the FCPA could be construed to proscribe payments made or promised to employees of state-owned companies, the statute is unconstitutionally vague as applied to defendants.
During the hearing, counsel for the defendants focused the majority of their arguments on the FCPA’s purported lack of definition for “instrumentality” within the term “foreign official.” Defendants noted that Congress did not define “instrumentality” within the statute and that the government’s position created a definition that was unworkable and overbroad. Moreover, the defendants argued that it was impractical to wait for the trial to decide the factors that the jury would consider to determine whether the employees of state-owned companies were “foreign officials.” The defendants also argued that the Supreme Court’s recent decision in Skilling v. United States, 561 U.S. ___, 130 S. Ct. 2896, 2933 (2010), was the proper framework for deciding the FCPA “foreign official” challenge. Thereafter, the defendants argued that the FCPA statute was “vague as applied,” as there was no way for the individual defendants to have done anything more to determine if a state-owned entity was an “instrumentality.” The defendants argued that there was no rhyme or reason to the government’s determination of whether a state-owned entity was an “instrumentality,” and, as such, the statute was vague. Finally, the defendants argued that the rule of lenity mandated that the Court dismiss the indictment, as the statute was unconstitutionally ambiguous and that, if it was a tie between the government’s position and the defendants’ position, that the tie should go to the defendants.
The government responded first by noting that the defendants’ ignored the standards the Court had to apply when deciding a motion to dismiss the indictment, as the issues presented in the motion raised factual issues that had to be resolved by a jury. Citing Hagner v. United States, 285 U.S. 427 (1932), the government argued that because there were factual issues outstanding related to whether the state-owned entities were “instrumentalities,” the Court could not grant the motion to dismiss. The government also argued that the statute was not void for vagueness, as the statute’s mens rea or scienter requirement served to defeat the defendants’ claim that they did not know what they were doing was wrong. In particular, however, the government noted that the statute did not require a specific intent, but instead the government need only prove that the defendants knew that what they were doing was wrong.
District Judge Selna permitted the parties to argue their respective positions, interjecting on few occasions. During the defendants’ arguments that the definition of “instrumentality” in the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act (FSIA) could not be used as a reference point, or definition, for “instrumentality” in the FCPA statute, District Judge Selna asked whether the Court could infer whether Congress intended for the term “instrumentality” to have the same definition in the FCPA as the FSIA. District Judge Selna also inquired whether a finding that a state-owned entity was an “instrumentality” was self-evident, as the nature of the entity would be before the jury.
Ultimately, after hearing all arguments on defendants’ motion to dismiss, District Judge Selna took the motion under submission and reserved a final ruling on the motion for a later date.